Leipzig, Universiẗat, Diss., 2006.

Zugl.: Hohenheim, Univ., Diss., 2005.

Revision of the author's dissertation--Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität Bonn, winter semester 2003/2004.--P. (ix). / Includes bibliographical references (p. [219]-251) and index. Table of contents also issued online.

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Zugl.: Erlangen, Nürnberg, Univ., Diss., 2006

Amsterdamfördraget som trädde i kraft 1999 hade bland annat som mål att, med unionens svagaagerande på Balkan i minnet, reformera och utveckla den gemensamma utrikes- och säkerhetspolitikenskapad sex år tidigare genom Maastrichtfördraget. Denna uppsats syftar till att analysera de förändringarsom skedde i EU:s aktörskapacitet inom den andra pelaren i samband med Amsterdamfördraget samtpåvisa dessa förändringar i unionens konkreta arbete i ett fall. För detta ändamål används en modell avGunnar Sjöstedt framtagen för värdering av unionen utifrån dess strukturella förutsättningar. Detempiriska materialet utgörs till stor del av unionens officiella dokument och fördragstexter men även förområdet relevant litteratur har använts.Analysen visar på den grundproblematik som råder inom området i form av en intressekonflikt mellangemensamt agerande och medlemsländernas inflytande över förd politik. Uppsatsen lyfter fram tvåförändringar som trots denna konflikt stärkt unionens förutsättningar att agera på det internationellaplanet. Dessa är införandet av befattningen hög representant för den gemensamma utrikes- ochsäkerhetspolitiken samt ökade möjligheter till flexibilitet vid beslutsfattande. Unionens konkreta arbetehar analyseras utifrån dess agerande mot Makedonien. Här visar analysen på ett stärkt engagemang frånunionens sida där den höge representanten med sina resurser spelat en stor roll. Unionens stärkta förmågatill agerande i Makedonien måste anses som en framgång för den gemensamma utvecklingen, dockkvarstår att se om detta går att upprepa i ett större och mer komplext fall. / The Amsterdam Treaty which entered into force 1999 had as one of theobjectives, in light of the European Union’s weak actions in the Balkans, toreform and develop the Common Foreign and Security Policy that was createdsix years earlier through the Maastricht Treaty.The aim of this essay was to analyse the changes in EU’s actor capabilitywithin the second pillar as the Amsterdam Treaty came into force, as well asshowing how these changes influenced the work performed by the EU in oneparticular case. In order to achieve this, a model by Gunnar Sjöstedt was used.The model was developed to evaluate the EU based on its structuralprerequisites. The empirical material used, came, to a large extent, from theEU’s official documents and treaties, but other relevant literature within thefield has been used as well.The analysis identified the fundamental issue within this field, namely, aconflict of interest between the joint action and the member countries´influence on the policies. The essay underlined two changes which havestrengthened the EU´s prerequisites to act at the international level. These arethe appointment of a High Representative for the Common Foreign andSecurity Policy, as well as the creation of increased possibilities for flexibilityin the decision making process. The work of EU was analysed from its actionsin Macedonia which showed a strengthened engagement from its side, wherethe High Representative and its resources have played an important part. TheEU’s strengthened ability to act in Macedonia must be seen as a success for thejoint development. It remains to be seen, however, whether this can be repeatedin a bigger, more complex case. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03

Univ., Diss.--Duisburg-Essen, 2005.

The purpose of this paper was to address the issue of democratic restrictions in Macedonia today, 2017, due to all the media attention of the Macedonian political life. It was also an interesting country to study because of its disputes with its neighbouring country Greece, which blocks Macedonia from entering both the European Union and the Northern Atlantic Treaty Organization, NATO. The study was carried out on the grounds of Roberts Dahl’s seven institutions regarding Polyarchy which are elected officials, free and fair elections, inclusive suffrage, right to run for office, freedom of expression, alternative information and freedom of assembly. The method which was applied to this study was an ideal-type of democracy. The seven institutions of Polyarchy is the nearest a democratic governance one can come, and therefore Polyarchy became the main ideal-type. The seven institutions were later compared with both the Macedonian constitution and how these institutions are applied to daily life in the country. The results showed that the institutions inclusive suffrage and right to run for office were the only ones which met up to Dahl’s definition of those two institutions. Further, the institutions elected officials and freedom of assembly are partly restricted by the state. The institutions freedom of expression and freedom of assembly are the ones which are most restricted in Macedonia. The institution free and fair elections is also since 2016 an institution with restrictions because of the political crisis in recent years. Due to these results, one can conclude that Macedonia does not meet up to the requirements of all seven institutions and one can therefore infer that there are several democratic restrictions in Macedonia in 2017.

The purpose of this essay has been to explore Alexander the Great from two different perspectives in Greece. The village Proti Serron represents the local area and the national area named Macedonia represents the second perspective. Oral history has been used as a method in addition to literature and trips to museums and archaeological places. As a guideline for the essay and its contents a stereotyped schedule has been created. This schedule is presented below, and it is also possible to read it backwards. The villagers who identify themselves with Alexander the Great from their local area Proti Serron which is a part of the national area named Macedonia. This study proves that the villagers who has been interviewed, identify themselves with the place they live in as well as its history and that they feel that it is their duty to pass this knowledge forward. Alexander the Great is described as intelligent, humble, a man of strength and courage as well as a strategist and sovereign. This picture of the former king is also valid in the national area of Macedonia.

<p>The purpose of this essay has been to explore Alexander the Great from two different perspectives in Greece. The village Proti Serron represents the local area and the national area named Macedonia represents the second perspective. Oral history has been used as a method in addition to literature and trips to museums and archaeological places.</p><p>As a guideline for the essay and its contents a stereotyped schedule has been created. This schedule is presented below, and it is also possible to read it backwards.</p><p>The villagers who identify themselves with Alexander the Great from their local area Proti Serron which is a part of the national area named Macedonia.</p><p>This study proves that the villagers who has been interviewed, identify themselves with the place they live in as well as its history and that they feel that it is their duty to pass this knowledge forward. Alexander the Great is described as intelligent, humble, a man of strength and courage as well as a strategist and sovereign. This picture of the former king is also valid in the national area of Macedonia.</p>