<p>Purpose/Aim: This essay seeks to describe in what way different newspapers framed Uppsala Reggaefestival, which is a music festival in Uppsala, Sweden. Not only the local press, but also the framing by national press will be analyzed. Furthermore, it seeks to discuss what causes different frames.</p><p>Material/Method: The material consist of 96 articles from 4 different newspapers which are being analyzed through a quantitative content analysis method inspired by Melin and Lange, and their ideas of identifying the main message of a text. The media framing of Uppsala Reggaefestival are compared to another similar music festival in Sweden, Arvikafestivalen. By using theories about media framing and media logic the results can, if not explained, at least be discussed.</p><p>Main results: The study shows that Uppsala Reggaefestival is framed in a way that is focused on the problems within the festival, for example drug abuse. Compared to Arvikafestivalen, especially in the national press the difference is great. The cause of the difference requires further studies, but according to the theory of media logic the content in a media company should be viewed as a result of the company needs and not as a mirror of reality. The way media content is presented can according to the framing theory be a result of existing frames within media, which can be caused by prevailing ideologies and views in society.</p>

Purpose/Aim: This essay seeks to describe in what way different newspapers framed Uppsala Reggaefestival, which is a music festival in Uppsala, Sweden. Not only the local press, but also the framing by national press will be analyzed. Furthermore, it seeks to discuss what causes different frames. Material/Method: The material consist of 96 articles from 4 different newspapers which are being analyzed through a quantitative content analysis method inspired by Melin and Lange, and their ideas of identifying the main message of a text. The media framing of Uppsala Reggaefestival are compared to another similar music festival in Sweden, Arvikafestivalen. By using theories about media framing and media logic the results can, if not explained, at least be discussed. Main results: The study shows that Uppsala Reggaefestival is framed in a way that is focused on the problems within the festival, for example drug abuse. Compared to Arvikafestivalen, especially in the national press the difference is great. The cause of the difference requires further studies, but according to the theory of media logic the content in a media company should be viewed as a result of the company needs and not as a mirror of reality. The way media content is presented can according to the framing theory be a result of existing frames within media, which can be caused by prevailing ideologies and views in society.

Vilka krav ställer den ökade mediebevakningen på företagsledare? Vilka konsekvenser får det för VDs uppdrag? På vilket sätt påverkar mediernas personifiering och skärpta fokus på aktieägarvärde föreställningar om vem som är en bra VD? Det är några av de frågor som behandlas i den här doktorsavhandlingen. Studien ger, utifrån ett organisations- och ledningsteoretiskt perspektiv, en djupare inblick i vad medialiseringen av näringslivets ledare innebär och hur företagsledare hanterar medier och kändisskap. Här berättar en VD, nyckelmedarbetare, styrelseledamöter och en rad journalister om en händelserik tid i ett av landets mest medieuppmärksammade börsbolag. I studien åskådliggörs, problematiseras och tolkas interaktionen mellan medier och företagsledare. Begrepp som rationalitet, legitimitet, medialt kapital och parallelljag diskuteras och används som verktyg i analysen av den medialiserade direktören. Pernilla Petrelius Karlberg är verksam vid Ekonomiska Forskningsinstitutet (EFI), sektionen för Företagsledning och Arbetslivsfrågor, vid Handelshögskolan i Stockholm. Hon undervisar också i lednings- och organisationsteori samt kultur- och medieekonomi. Hon har tidigare studerat rekrytering av koncernstyrelser. Hon är bland annat författare till Kvinnor i styrelser (2003, EFI och SNS Förlag) samt medförfattare till Den Tafatte (2004, Academia Adacta) och Rekrytering av koncernstyrelser (2002, EFI och SNS Förlag). / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2008. Spikblad saknas</p>

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In the past years the usage and growth of social media has increased, through the increase in popularity, growth and use, social media has become an all the more important arena. Politicians need to communicate with the public, where the public is, in order to be elected and right now a large amount of the public is on social media. This research studies how four of the largest political parties in Sweden, Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna, Sverigedemokraterna and Miljöpartiet, together with an upcoming party Feministiskt initiativ, used social media in the governmental election in Sweden 2014. In order to study how these political parties used social media, the posts made on Facebook and Twitter were selected. The posts were selected from the two weeks leading up to the election. The posts on Twitter had a higher quantitity and were studied through a quantitative content analysis; while the posts on Facebook included richer text and were studied through a qualitative content analysis. The choice to include both a quantitative and a qualitative content analysis were made to give a richer result with a more including picture. The result showed that there is not one universal media logic used by the parties on the posts posted on Facebook and Twitter, however the elements used were the same, but in different extent. One of the parties, Miljöpartiet, had a consequent media logic of all of the selected post made by them on Facebook. On social media political parties become gatekeepers themselves, without relying on journalists to bring forth their ideals, election issues, and topics of importance. On social media the political parties decide what to publish and how to publish it. The political parties frame the topics to benefit themselves and argue for why their approach is the right choice and why the viewer of the post should vote for them.

In recent years Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has been the subject of much attention and the concept has been referred to as a global movement and mega-trend, which has resulted in a long and diverse history in the academic literature. However, little attention has been paid to the part media plays in the construction and popularization of CSR. The aim of the thesis is to draw insights on how media frames and present the concept of CSR. In order to examine this a quantitative content analysis has been performed on two leading business papers in Sweden, during the years 2005-2014. The thesis builds on a previous study by Grafström and Windell (2011) in which they analyze how CSR is defined in English business press. The findings of this thesis suggest that corporations are the main actors in framing CSR and that Swedish business press mainly stress CSR as a management idea, containing several arguments for incorporating CSR. As oppose to Grafström and Windell (2011) our study presented some differentiating results, which might be explained by different institutional environments.

Total amount of words: 15 269. In this essay, the purpose is to examine the personalization of Swedish national coaches during international championships in the Swedish tabloids. Research shows that a leader nowadays is representative for her organization. Therefore it could be assumed that the way the national coach is portrayed can have some kind of effect on the public opinion about the team as a unit and their sport federation in total.  This essay is a quantitative study of the sport tabloids Sportbladet och SPORT-Expressen during three international championships: Euro 2012 in football, WC 2013 in ice hockey and Euro 2014 in handball. We have studied the coverage of the national coaches Erik Hamrén, Pär Mårts and Ola Lindgren/Staffan Olsson in contrast to the coverage of their teams in total. The main results are that the national coaches are mentioned in every second article that is written about the national teams during the championships. They are mainly portrayed in a neutral way, even though the coverage of them is affected by the results in the matches. In the absolute majority of the articles, the national coaches are described without any personal attributes.

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This Master Thesis studies the power relationship between NGOs, politics and the society by performing a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) on NGO press releases concerning the case of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe in the fight against the Dakota Access Pipeline in the USA. Interactions between mass media and NGOs are rising, hence the organizations are contributing to shape the ‘reality’ and the public’s perception. As CDA has a special interest in social representation and power relations, this thesis examines furthermore the representation of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe in the light of the theory of victimization. The Indigenous communities refused the construction near tribal reservations because the Pipeline threatens the public health, the Tribe’s water supply, existing Treaties and cultural resources. Especially with the Presidential election in late 2016 and President Trump’s signing of an executive order to advance the Pipeline construction aggravated the situation. To meet the requirements of a CDA, I transfer the concepts of a micro- and macro-level Analysis in the way of Teun A. Van Dijk and connect it in the end with the socio-cultural context. I draw on the concepts of power/knowledge as well as on the concepts of media logic to explain the power relations but also the social representations in the 28 press releases of Amnesty International USA and Greenpeace USA. I conclude with the findings that the Indigenous people are represented as the powerless victims, the NGOs use their press releases to raise awareness but also to serve their self-interests and that the NGO press releases complied the media logics.

This study examines how media logic of news reporting influences climate change journalism on Twitter. It is of great importance that the information about climate change is being properly communicated to the public. However, it is often problematic to send the right message to the public, that would result in public acting towards protecting environment. This happens due to media logic of news reporting that impacts the way climate change is presented by the media. However, previous research indicates that the audience is more likely to trust journalists on Twitter, meaning that is likely for climate change to be represented more accurately there. For this reason, this thesis examines whether this is the case with environmental journalism on Twitter. The aim of this research is to identify the impact of Twitter’s counter-hegemonic discourses towards climate change reporting, to what extent they affect media logic of news reporting. This is done by conducting quantitative content analysis on environmental journalists’ tweets about climate change. Journalists are divided into two groups for comparison of influence of media logic: staff and freelance journalists. The findings demonstrate that when in it comes to credible reporting, staff environmental journalists are less likely to oppose media logic in comparison to freelance journalists. Additionally, neither type of journalist is likely to oppose media logic when it comes to providing public participation promoting reporting. Research is based on Altheide’s theory of media logic.