Det som studeras i denna undersökning är hur morgontidningarna Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet beskrev utrikesminister Carl Bildt kopplat till de fängslade journalisterna Martin Schibbye och Johan Persson. Syftet med undersökningen är att identifiera morgontidningarnas diskurs om Carl Bildt i de olika faserna av rapporteringen kring de fängslade svenskarna journalisterna Martin Schibbye och Johan Persson. Detta kommer att undersökas via en kritisk diskursanalys där vi kronologiskt går igenom morgontidningarnas rapportering av Bildt kopplat till Schibbye och Persson från att de fängslades till tiden efter då de var fria. Som delsyfte vill vi granska och diskutera de resultat vi kommer fram till i diskursanalysen. Detta görs för att kunna presentera och kartlägga hur de eventuellt olika diskurserna skiljer sig. Utifrån syftet och delsyftet kommer vi undersöka följande frågeställningar: Hur såg den dominerande bilden och rapporteringen om Bildt ut före respektive efter journalisternas frigivning? Samt: Skiljde sig morgontidningarnas rapportering om Bildt före respektive journalisternas frigivning, i så fall hur?Det vi kom fram till i undersökningen var att diskursen om Bildt vände i samma stund som förutsättningarna för Schibbye och Persson vände då de frigavs. Diskursen gick från negativ till positiv när fakta om Bildt och hans insats kunde utvärderas i retrospekt. Vår huvudsakliga slutsats är att Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet i detta fall fokuserade mer på det sensationella och skandalösa nyheterna om Bildt, snarare än att vara en neutral och objektiv informationskälla. / This study is covering the reports on the Swedish minister of foreign affairs Carl Bildt in the Swedish morning newspaper Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet regarding the imprisoned journalists Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson. The purpose with this thesis is to identify the discourse in these two morning newspapers about Carl Bildt in the different phases of the reports regarding the journalists Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson. This will be studied throughout a critical discourse analysis. We will cover the reports in chronological order from the date the journalists were caught to when they were free. An extension of the purpose in this study is to inspect and discuss our results. This will be done in order to see and clarify how the discourse found in the results is different from each other. This purpose is leading us to the questions: What was the dominant picture in the reporting about Carl Bildt in the different phases of the case with the imprisoned journalists? And: Did the reporting on Bildt differ from the phase before the journalists release to the phase after the release, in that case how?The main result of this study is that the discourse regarding Bildt changed the same time the conditions of Schibbye and Persson changed. The discourse went from negative to positive when facts about Bildt and his mission came to light. Our main conclusion is that these two morning newspapers in this case was focusing on the sensational and scandalous news about Bildt rather than being a neutral and objective source of information.

English title: Julia and the elite. A study of how the Internet hatred developed into a media avalanche. Introduction: During February 2013 Swedish media flooded with news of online hate directed towards women after an episode of Uppdrag Granskning on SVT (2013). Female media profiles were given the opportunity to tell the entire Swedish population about the hate and threats they had been exposed to online. In this thesis we want to investigate what topics end up on the media´s agenda, how a piece of news is developed and framed. Questions: How does a piece of news considered highly newsworthy develop from when it first appears in the media until it gradually disappears? How and why did Internet hatred end up on the media´s agenda? How does the media framed the Internet hatred? Theory: To be able to answer the questions formulated in this thesis, the following theories have been used: Agenda-Setting theory, framing theory, news valuation and media logic.  Method: Quantitative content analysis of news broadcasts and debate shows from TV, radio and newspapers. Additionally a qualitative content analysis by support of a rhetorical and semiotic analysis of two debate articles and one TV feature. Result: The online hate debate was to be divided into two main debates concerning how to handle online hate in terms of the law and men who hate women in the public sphere. The majority of those who participate in the online hate debate belong to some form of either media, political, legal or academic elite. More than halv of those who fight for the online hate-cause belong to the media elite. Julia, who participate in Uppdrag Granskning on SVT, is one of the most prominent citizens who campaign for the cause.  Conclusion: The most important conclusion in this thesis is that the Internet hatred predominantly centred on Julia and the different elite groups. The media elite was both the victim and the fiercest campaigner for the cause. Even though online hate was described as a general problem in society, it was primarily framed as a problem for the media elite. An event will be considered highly newsworthy and will end up on the media´s agenda if it is, among others, unexpected, sensational and somehow focused on an elite group. A news story is more likely to turn into a media avalanche if it raises interest and engages a large audience, as it leads to an increased demand for more articles in the news reporting.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur medielogik och public service-värdena uttrycks i SVT:s partiledarutfrågning hösten 2010. En totalundersökning i form av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys är gjord av samtliga partiledarutfrågningar som sändes i SVT veckorna före valet, samt respektive partis valmanifest. Fyra frågor mättes först kvantitativt och analyserades därefter kvalitativt med utgångspunkt i vilka medborgargrupper som synliggörs, hur partiledarnas privata angelägenheter exponeras, hur valmanifestens innehåll överensstämmer med de teman som journalisterna tar upp i utfrågningarna, samt regeringsbildningskomplikationer och samarbetssvårigheter av olika slag. I den kvantitativa analysen framkom att konsumentperspektivet dominerar, men skillnaden är stor i de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Den personliga exponeringen av partiledarna ger minst utrymme åt dåvarande statsministerkandidaterna Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) och Mona Sahlin (s), men även åt Maud Olofsson (c). Valmanifestens överensstämmelse med de journalistiska frågeställningarna visade på stora skillnader mellan de olika partiledarutfrågningarna. Mest kommunikationsutrymme åt komplikationer ges med det Rödgröna blocket (och då främst de mindre partierna Miljöpartiet och Vänsterpartiet.) Resultaten av vår undersökning är varierande, beroende på vilken frågeställning det gäller. Delar av public service-värdet verkar ha haft olika stor genomslagskraft hos de större partierna jämfört med de mindre partierna gällande konsekvenserna för de enskilda fallen och partiets politik. Ett återkommande tema är skildringen av politik som att den tar ifrån människor något snarare än att politiken tillför människor något. Ett annat drag vi har noterat är att medborgaren framställs som offer för något (nya bensinpriset, sjukförsäkringen, gymnasiereformen…) I ett samhälle som får allt större problem att engagera medborgarna i det politiska livet, kan det vara av värde att fråga sig hur stort ansvar medierna har för detta. Poängteras bör slutligen att de resultat vi kommer fram till inte ska refereras till journalistiken som profession, utan snarare belysa vikten av att en medveten strategi behövs för att lyfta fram de krafter som strävar mot medielogikens komponenter i form av polarisering, konkretisering och förenkling. / This essay examines how media logic and public service values are expressed in the SVT party leaders hearing fall of 2010. A comprehensive study in the form of quantitative and qualitative content analysis was made by all party leaders hearings broadcast on SVT weeks before the election, and each party's election manifesto. Four questions were measured primary quantitatively, and were then assayed qualitatively on the basis of the civic groups that are made visible, how the party leaders' private affairs are exposed, how the manifesto contents are consistent with the journalistic issues during the hearings, and government complications and cooperation difficulties of various kinds. The quantitative analysis indicated that consumer perspective dominates, but the difference is large in the various party leaders hearings. The personal exposure of the party leaders will have the least room for the then prime minister candidates Fredrik Reinfeldt (m) and Mona Sahlin (s), but also to Maud Olofsson (c). Manifesto conformity with the journalistic issues showed significant differences between the various party leaders hearings. Most communications space to complications are exposed with the Rödgröna blocket (and particularly the smaller parties, Miljöpartiet and Vänsterpartiet.) The results of our study are varied, depending on the issue in question. Components of the public service value seems to have a greater impact in the major parties compared to the smaller parties regarding the consequences for the individual cases and party policies. An overall theme is the presentation of policy that it takes away something from people rather than it adds. Another feature we have noticed is that the people were presented as victims of something (new price of gasoline, health insurance, upper secondary school reform ...) In a society of growing problems with involving the citizens in the political life, it may be useful to ask how much responsibility the media has of this. Finally it should be pointed out, that the results we arrive at should not be referred to journalism as a profession, but rather emphasize the necessity of a planned strategy to highlight the forces that strive to media logic components in the form of polarization, concretization and simplification.

The study has answered the questions to what extent people with disabilities are involved in SVT- and TV4- news reports and how people with disabilities are represented in news reports. The material is based on 140 news items. The study has demonstrated that news reports SVT and TV4 have different grades of misconceptions about disabled people. Disabled people are constantly being reinforced by negative disabling terms, the disability being of central importance for the news broadcast and they still occur in stereotypical depictions. Through the image of disabled people forms the bed-rock on which the attitudes towards, assumptions and expectations of disabled people are based on. They are fundamental to discrimination and exploitation that people with disabilities face on a daily basis, and contributes significantly to their systematic exclusion from mainstream society. Their continued use could contribute to the negative self-image of disabled people and, at the same time, perpetuates discriminatory attitudes and practices among the general public.

Abstract Purpose: The purpose of this thesis was to examine to which extant the politically governed organization, Swedish association of local authorities and local regions (SALAR), has been mediatized. Furthermore the purpose was to examine how SALAR being a Meta-organization affected the mediatization process. To accomplish this the thesis studied how SALAR organized themselves internally in order to form opinion through the media in one of their prioritized issues. A further purpose was to equalize SALAR’s mediatization process with the mediatization process for the whole political system.  Method: This is a qualitative study which the gathered material has been collected through two types of methods, semi structured interviews and field observations. Material: A total of eight interviews were made distributed over three departments inside SALAR. Furthermore four observations were made to supplement the interviews. Findings: The general findings of this study shows that SALAR has been mediatized through organizing in way which signals adaptation to media logic. However, contrary too much of what the literature tells about political mediatization, SALAR adapts to media logic to be able to use the media as an arena for the messages and stories they want to tell. Which means that the adaption isn’t only forced but they are able to make the most of that adaption. SALAR from a Meta organizational perspective shows that it does not affect the actual mediatization process, only that using members as examples enforces the content, which later forms opinion. Concluding, no evidence can be found the supports the notion that SALAR’s mediatization process can be equalled to the meditization process for the whole political system. / Sammanfattning   Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka i vilken grad den politiskt styrda organisation SKL blivit medialiserad. Dessutom studera hur SKL i egenskap av att vara metaorganisation påverkar hur denna medialisering sker. För att åstadkomma detta undersöks hur SKL organiserar sig internt för att kunna bedriva medial opinionsbildning inom en av deras prioriterade verksamhetsfrågor, ökat bostadsbyggande. Därtill var ett ytterligare syfte att likställa SKL:s medialiseringsprocess mot medialiseringsprocesserna för hela det politiska systemet.   Metod: Det här är en kvalitativ studie där insamling av det empiriska materialet har skett genom semi-strukturerade intervjuer och fältobservationer.   Material: Totalt åtta intervjuer genomfördes. Fyra tycken från avdelningen för kommunikation, tre från avdelningen tillväxt och samhällsbyggnad och en från avdelningen VD-stab. Därtill har fyra observationer genomförts för att komplettera de intervjuer som gjorts.   Resultat: Resultatet av undersökningen visar att SKL har blivit medialiserad utifrån två definierade medialiseringsfaser. Det betyder att SKL anpassar sig till medielogik för att kunna möta mediernas behov. Resultatet visar att denna anpassning görs för att kunna använda media som en arena för de budskap som man vill förmedla i opinionsbildande syften inom bostadsfrågan vilket skiljer sig från vad mycket av litteraturen om politisk medialisering säger. SKL som metaorganisationen har också inga stora problem med att hantera sina medlemmar in denna medialiseringsprocess och har heller ingen påverkan på hur den sker. Däremot kan SKL som metaorganisation förstärka sitt innehåll i de mediala produkter som produceras i syftet att vara opinionsbildande. Inga övertygande bevis kan dock inte göras för att se SKL:s medialisering som en representant för medialiseringen av det hela politiska systemet. Det här på grund av att SKL som organisationen har ett annat sätt att vara verksam på vilket gör att deras anpassning till medielogik inte med säkerhet går att säga är densamma som anda politiska institutionernas anpassning.

Given the novelty of political campaigning on social networking sites in Lithuania and the critique, it has received from social media experts, the object of the master thesis encompasses mediatization of Lithuanian politics on Facebook, when social media logic becomes adapted in political campaigning and integrated into the political agenda. Accordingly, the MA thesis developed its aim to define in what ways mediatization of Lithuanian politics manifests on Facebook and if public-relations oriented Lithuanian political communication culture, characteristic to political communication on mass media, and negativity, as its culture-specific aspect, are transported to the platform. The research was carried out in several stages. Firstly, using secondary data analysis the study aimed at determining social media logic. Accordingly, the requirements for successful exploitation of social media logic in political campaigning on Facebook were identified – popularity building, connectivity, personalization and interactivity. Thirdly, aiming to determine if the politicians complied with social media logic and transported public-relations oriented political communication culture and negativity to the platform, the research used quantitative and qualitative content analyses. It covered a two-weeks period (from April 02 to April 15, 2014) political campaigning on Facebook run by the seven candidates' to Lithuanian President’s Office. Fourthly, using the obtained empirical data the study... [to full text] / Nors Lietuvos politinė komunikacija socialiniuose tinkluose yra gana naujas reiškinys, jis jau sulaukė socialinių medijų ekspertų kritikos. Šio magistro baigiamojo darbo tyrimo objektu pasirinkta Lietuvos politikos mediatizacija socialiniame tinkle Facebook, kuomet politinių kampanijų metu politikai adaptuoja socialinių medijų logiką ir ją integruoja į savo politinę dienotvarkę. Darbe siekta nustatyti, kokiais būdais Lietuvos politikos mediatizacija pasireiškia internetiniame socialiniame tinkle Facebook. Taip pat buvo svarbu išsiaiškinti, ar Lietuvos viešųjų ryšių (ang. Public-relations oriented) politinės komunikacijos kultūra, ugdoma masinėje žiniasklaidoje, ir jai būdingas negatyvumas perkeliami į Facebook platformą. Tyrimas atliktas keliais etapais. Pirmojo etapo metu, naudojant antrinių duomenų analizę, buvo įvardyta socialinių medijų logika. Tokiu pat būdu nustatyti reikalavimai, leidžiantys išnaudoti socialinių medijų logiką politinių kampanijų metu, t. y., populiarumo didinimas, socialinių ryšių išnaudojimas, personalizacija ir interaktyvumas. Trečiojo etapo metu, siekiant atskleisti Lietuvos politikų komunikacijos atitikimą socialinių medijų logikai ir galimą viešųjų ryšių politinės komunikacijos kultūros bei negatyvumo perkėlimą į Facebook platformą, tyrime naudojama kiekybinė ir kokybinė turinio analizė. Ištirtos septynių kandidatų į 2014 metų Lietuvos Prezidento postą dviejų savaičių laikotarpio (balandžio 02–15 dienomis) politinės kampanijos socialiniame... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

In October 2017, the actor Alyssa Milano announced a wish that all women who, in some way, have been sexually abused would answer their tweets with the words "me too". Almost a day later, #metoo breaks into Swedish social media. There are testimonies of countless of sexual harassments and abuse both from known, unknown and anonymous women who testify to the breadth of the major problem that came to be resembled as a revolution within the next few days. During the news reporting in connection with the campaign we discovered how the Swedish media generally showed differences in how suspected offenders were portrayed in the media. Using formulated analysis tools dramaturgical narrative techniques and criteria for newsworthiness from theories of media logic and theories of news value, we aim to investigate how one of the largest newspapers in Sweden, Expressen, choose to figure suspected perpetrators into sexual offenses in the context of the #metoo campaign. Our main research question is; “How do suspected offenders appear in Expressen's reporting of #metoo in relation to certain dramaturgic narrative techniques?” and “How are some suspects perpetrated in Expressen's reporting of #metoo in relation to certain news value criteria?” With a qualitative content analysis we examined a total of 20 articles and identified results that indicate that the suspected perpetrators according to our interpretation are expressed in the Expressens news reporting in such a way that they are to be perceived as guilty to the crime they're accused for. By identifying our chosen news value criteria in the empirical material which our study is based on, our interpretation is that there's a high news value of reporting suspected offenders in context of the #metoo campaign. The result of our study aims at contributing knowledge about how suspicious perpetrators are portrayed in cases of crime in the media. During our literature review, we found that the research previously conducted on media and crime is primarily about how the victim is portrayed in the media. With our study we want to contribute to the knowledge of how suspected perpetrators are portrayed, which can raise the awareness of how the media through different dramatic storytelling techniques and news evaluation criteria can shape news in different ways.

Studiens fokus ligger på att undersöka om det finns skillnader i framställningen mellan en kvinnlig respektive manlig mördare i svenska medier. De svenska mediernas språkbruk i relation till gärningspersonerna i de undersökta artiklarna ligger till grund för studien. 18 stycken artiklar analyseras tagna från Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter och SVT Nyheter. Studiens syfte är att se om skillnader i framställningen existerar, och i så fall hur de syns. Analysen utgörs av en kritisk diskursanalys, även kallad CDA, samt Carvalhos ramverk för textanalys. Carvalhos ramverk skapar en möjlighet för texten att analyseras i olika steg då den kategoriserar olika teman genom vilka språket kan analyseras. Objekt, aktörer, språk, diskursiva strategier och ideologiska ståndpunkter är de kategorier vilka genom språket analyseras. Från de språkmässiga strategier och val som medierna gjort kan en analys sedan göras som grundar sig i det teoretiska ramverket. Kritisk diskursanalys används som metod men även teori tillsammans med genusteori om stereotyper samt medielogiken.   Resultatet visar att en av de mest återkommande företeelserna i alla medier är hur gärningspersonerna framställs genom motsatta traditionella stereotyper. Mediernas varierande fokus på detaljrikedom gällande brotten är något som bidrar till hur de två gärningspersonerna framställs. I resultatet diskuteras även hur framställningen av gärningspersonerna säger något om dagens samhälle i Sverige. / The focus of this study is to see if there are any differences in the how Swedish media portrays female and male killers. Swedish media’s use of language in relation to the news articles about the perpetrators is the basis of the study. 18 news articles from the newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and SVT Nyheter were analyzed. The purpose of the study is to see if there are any differences in the portrayal and if so, how they are shown. The analysis constitutes of a critical discourse analysis, also known as CDA, and the framework for text analysis created by Carvalho. The framework creates the possibility of analyzing the texts step by step and helps categorize the different themes in which the language will be analyzed. The categories used in the analysis are object, actors, language, discursive strategies and ideological standpoints. By looking at the linguistic strategies and the choices made by the media we can analyze the material in accordance with the theoretical framework. Critical discourse analysis is the used method as well as theory, along with gender theory about stereotypes and media logic.   The results from the analysis discusses the different discourses found. One of the most prominent phenomenon found was the fact that Swedish media portrayed the killers as their stereotype opposite to them. The results also discuss if the portrayal of the perpetrators can tell us anything about society as a whole.

The thesis "The army on the media battlefield" examines the extent to which the Ministry of Defence and the Army of the Czech Republic are media institutions. If they take media logic and if they subject to pressure of the journalists. All this in a theoretical frame of four phases of mediatisation that is defined by Jesper Strömbäck's work in 2008. The theoretical part defines terms such as mediatisation or media logic. The thesis also focuses on the explanation of corporate communication, which is related to the Ministry of Defence and the Czech Army. In the conclusion of the theoretical part both institutions are defined and the emphasis is on their communications department. The methodological part describes the research method of semi-structured interviews, which are used to collect relevant data. It also defines the research problem and research questions. The third part of the thesis is devoted to research where data collected from nine respondents from the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff of the Army are analyzed and categorized to relevant research questions. Respondents answered questions that addressed the communication objectives of the Army, formats and contents of the communication, new media and their work in relation to editorial routines. Respondents described what...

The aim of this bachelor thesis was to examine how Swedish tabloids portrayed Sweden’s greatest female boxers Mikaela Laurén and Klara Svensson the time before and the time after their great meeting at Hovet the 10th of September. We examined the following questions: Which gender roles are given to Sweden’s greatest female boxers Mikaela Laurén and Klara Svensson in Swedish tabloids and how is the interplay between media and the figures in the text described in the Swedish tabloids?   We used narrative analysis to investigate 14 texts from Aftonbladet and Expressen which were related to the match at Hovet. We found that the two boxers were portrayed differently. Laurén was portrayed as the bad girl who had to fight hard to get to where she is. She is tough and she is the one that comes with mean comments and gives media the real intrigues and she likes to use props. She believes she has a greater purpose, to get female boxing acknowledged on the media agenda. Svensson is portrayed as the good girl, she is more girly and is portrayed as if she seems to think that she is a better person than Laurén and therefore pity her when Laurén creates drama in the media. Svensson tries to convince the media that she is a tough girl but is still portrayed as more girly. Both Laurén and Svensson were also portrayed with their roles outside of boxing, as girlfriends which is common for female athletes. The meeting seems to be perfect for both the media and the boxers team. The meeting is portrayed as the final battle between good and evil.