Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references.

Tales of contemporary society, and who gets the right to tell them, is in this internet era something in motion as new platforms for sharing and getting information have arisen. Where traditional media through newspapers, radio or television has historically been so dominant, more and more voices can make it through as access to new platforms increase. In Latin America and in Guatemala, traditional media has been in the hands of the few and the powerful, concentrating economical and political influence that’s wielded through the power of discourse. Seeing this as hegemonic and representing a society where all are not included, alternative media seeks to counter such discourse and power by telling the untold stories by those historically without voice. This study picks up the perceptions, experiences and views of journalists and activists reshaping what we know about media production and the world, all this in a setting, a moment in time in Guatemala, when the structures of hegemonic power are shaken and put into question. By interviewing representatives of a wide scope of the alternative media sector, this thesis gives account for their aims and contributions as well as the general role and importance of alternative media in Guatemala. What it shows us is that alternative media is perceived as a force changing and adding to narratives about prior marginalized issues in the media as well as countering hegemonic power by contributing to empowerment of the citizenry. This study also show us that alternative media is perceived to open up the space for public opinion to a wider group of people in society and that it has a part to play in monitoring media power. Through these conclusions we gain a better understanding for counter hegemonic voices, ideas and movements and their part to play in society.

<p>This study examines the representation of women and men through the quantitative analysisof quotations in three Swedish newspapers - Dagens nyheter, Aftonbladet and Barometern.The roles in which they appear have also been recorded, for example; managerial, political orparental. In addition to the main study, this report analyzes how often women and men appearin the respective photos of the articles examined. In total, 36 newspapers were included in thisstudy (12 of each paper) which resulted in a data set of 1453 articles and 1296 photos.The main aim of this study was to measure the degree of equality and in what differing roleswomen and men appear when being interviewed. Secondly, this study aims to highlight anydifference between women and men appearing in text and photo. The results were comparedacross the three newspapers examined with established theories on gender and feminism,equality, social construction, representation and media power being applied to understand andanalyse these results.The study shows patterns of an unequal distribution between the representation of women andmen in the three Swedish newspapers examined. In the articles where the individuals could beidentified by gender, approximately 65 percent of the persons interviewed were male and 32percent female (the remainder were not identified). Men were more likely to be quoted inexpert or managerial roles where as it was more common for woman to appear under thefamily and consumer headings. However, it was more common for women to appear in photothan in text, with 60 percent of the photos examined containing men and 40 percent women.</p>

This study examines the representation of women and men through the quantitative analysisof quotations in three Swedish newspapers - Dagens nyheter, Aftonbladet and Barometern.The roles in which they appear have also been recorded, for example; managerial, political orparental. In addition to the main study, this report analyzes how often women and men appearin the respective photos of the articles examined. In total, 36 newspapers were included in thisstudy (12 of each paper) which resulted in a data set of 1453 articles and 1296 photos.The main aim of this study was to measure the degree of equality and in what differing roleswomen and men appear when being interviewed. Secondly, this study aims to highlight anydifference between women and men appearing in text and photo. The results were comparedacross the three newspapers examined with established theories on gender and feminism,equality, social construction, representation and media power being applied to understand andanalyse these results.The study shows patterns of an unequal distribution between the representation of women andmen in the three Swedish newspapers examined. In the articles where the individuals could beidentified by gender, approximately 65 percent of the persons interviewed were male and 32percent female (the remainder were not identified). Men were more likely to be quoted inexpert or managerial roles where as it was more common for woman to appear under thefamily and consumer headings. However, it was more common for women to appear in photothan in text, with 60 percent of the photos examined containing men and 40 percent women.

Fondé en 1997 par de jeunes économistes-financiers, à l’aube de l’expérience d’alternance consensuelle au Maroc et la fin du règne d’Hassan II (1961-1999), Le Journal (LJ ci-après) est considéré comme l’emblème de la presse dite indépendante de cette époque. En trouvant un rayonnement à l’étranger, son influence et sa visibilité vont au-delà des élites du Maroc. Les transformations survenues néanmoins sur la ligne éditoriale de cet hebdomadaire francophone, jugée critique vis-à-vis du Pouvoir par l’audace de ses dossiers et couvertures (monarchie, gouvernance, droits de l’Homme), donnent lieu à des crises de différente nature (procès, boycott publicitaire, gestion interne, etc.) qui débouchent sur sa fermeture par les autorités en janvier 2010, sous le règne de Mohammed VI, après une « vie » dense empreinte de rapports tantôt positifs tantôt négatifs avec le Pouvoir. Au lieu de proposer une seule perspective dans l’étude du LJ, cette recherche espère relever le défi d’offrir trois perspectives qui se complètent : par l’analyse de l’environnement externe du LJ (partie I), par l’étude de son pouvoir d’influence (partie II), et enfin par l’analyse de son environnement interne (partie III). La première partie part d’une énigme simple celle de savoir comment on peut passer au niveau des rapports sociaux (ici entre journalistes et politiques) de situations dans lesquelles on est plus ou moins « bien » entendu à des situations de « mal » entendu. À partir du concept de malentendu (V. Jankélévitch), nous verrons ainsi comment Le Journal, d’abord « bien-entendu », devient, au fil du temps, un titre « mal » entendu, à la fois par ses supporters et par ses adversaires. Si le concept de « bien-entendu » rend compte de ce qui a fait l’originalité et le succès du LJ, comme projet d’innovation, dans un contexte historique marqué par la libéralisation politique ; le malentendu lui est un malentendu d’ordre politique qui porte sur les représentations différentes qu’ont les journalistes et les Politiques de la « transition démocratique », leurs appréciations divergentes de la situation politique au Maroc ainsi que sur le rôle que la presse est censée jouer dans de pareils contextes. La deuxième partie, qui est peut-être l'originalité de ce travail, questionne le pouvoir d'influence des médias (du Journal) à travers les concepts de « compétence » journalistique (comme pouvoir adaptatif aux situations nouvelles), de « l’étiquette d’indépendance » (ce qu’elle permet en termes de visibilité/crédibilité) et enfin de « leadership médiatique » de l’éditorialiste et directeur de publication du LJ. Et elle entend souligner leur interdépendance. Enfin, la dernière partie, concernant la vie interne du LJ, s’appuie sur les acquis des sociologies du journalisme, de l’engagement-désengagement, du loyalisme et de la défection, pour interroger ce qui a amené des journalistes à « entrer », à « rester » et à « partir » du Journal. L’exit nous renvoie encore une fois, dans une espèce de boucle, au malentendu et nous conduit à défendre la thèse selon laquelle Le Journal a été, à son corps défendant, le promoteur du trône. Si cette entreprise de recherche a l’ambition d’être une « psycho-socio-anthropologie historique du journalisme politique », elle en appelle également à une libération épistémo-méthodo-logique. / Initiated in 1997 by young financial economists at the start of the experience of consensual alternance government in Morocco and at the end of the reign of Hassan II (1961-1999), Le Journal (LJ) is considered the symbol of the so-called independent press of that time. By finding an influential voice abroad, its weight and visibility goes beyond Morocco's elites. The transformations that still occurred on the editorial line of the weekly French newspaper were considered critical vis-à-vis the ruling power by the audaciousness of its topics and a la-Une coverage (monarchy, governance, human rights), gave rise to different crises in nature (trials, advertising boycott, internal management, etc.) that led to its closure by the authorities in January 2010, under the reign of Mohammed VI after a dense "life" impregnated with positive and negative relations with regime. Instead of proposing only one perspective in the study of LJ, this research hopes to meet the challenge of offering three outlooks that complement each other: by analyzing the external environment of LJ (Part I) by studying its influence (Part II), and finally by investigating its internal environment (Part III). The first part starts with a simple puzzle: how one can we move in social relations from (here between journalists and political) a situation of understanding to a situation of misunderstanding. Based on the concept of misunderstanding (V. Jankélévitch), we will see how well the Journal, first "well-understood," becomes, over time, a "misunderstood” newspaper, by both its supporters as well as its opponents. If the concept of 'understanding' reflects what made the originality and success of LJ as an innovative project, in a historical context marked by political liberalization on the one hand; on the other hand, the misunderstanding was a political misunderstanding which focuses on the different representations journalists and politicians made of "the democratic transition", their divergent assessments of the political situation in Morocco and the role that the press is supposed to play in such contexts. The second part, which is perhaps the originality of this work questions the power of influence of the media (le Journal) through the concepts of Media "competence" (as adaptive to new situations), of the " independent Label "(what it allows in terms of visibility / credibility) and finally "media leadership" of the columnist and the editor of the LJ. And intends to emphasize their interdependence. Finally, the last part concerns the internal life of LJ, builds on the achievements of the sociology of the press, of engagement-disengagement, of loyalty and defection to question what brought journalists to "enter", to "stay" or to "leave" Le Journal. The exit brings us once again to the misunderstanding and leads us to defend the thesis that Le Journal was, against its will, the publicist of the throne. If this research has the ambition to be a "psycho-historical anthropology of political Press," it also calls for a logical-epistemological-methodological liberation.

According to Samin Nosrat’s (2017) best-selling cookbook, salt, fat, acid and heat are key to cooking good food. At the same time, the process of making food has never been more connected with media. Given how intertwined food and media are today, I also add media to the list of ingredients. Food has become a popular topic in traditional media, as well as on new digital platforms. Since there is already a large body of research on food media texts, this thesis concentrates on food media related practices in the everyday life and the convergence between traditional and digital food media. For this study, a mixed-method approach was chosen, which included a questionnaire and a subsequent in-depth interview for the participants. The qualitative analysis of the data builds on a theoretical framework which draws first and foremost on Couldry’s (2004) Practice Theory which is complemented by Foth & Hearn’s (2007) Communication Ecology Theory to organize the practices. The food media practices of the study participants illustrated how embedded media have become in everyday practices and explained the convergence between traditional and digital food media. At the same time, the results brought media power dynamics to light and demonstrated that even media, that seems innocent at first, has to be consumed with a critical eye.

The highest Swedish football division, Allsvenskan, is not known for playing the best football or having the best players in the world on the pitch. However, Allsvenskan has one of the worlds’ best average audience rates and is well known globally for their large supporter culture. Thus, the topic of supporter culture and supporter related violence are a frequently discussed matter in Swedish media and has inspired the research topic for this study. The aim has been to study Swedish medias’ representation of football supporters and supporter related violence and if it perhaps has occurred a discursive change between the years 2014-2022. Traditional news articles published online within the chosen years, from several different newspapers, have been analyzed through a critical discourse analysis. Accompanied by critical discourse analysis, the study has used a theoretical framework consisting of media power, media hegemony and moral panic to analyze and conclude the results. The results provided three distinct discourses existing in Swedish media about football supporters being; supporters are a threat against the nuclear family, the supporter culture is a threat against society and lastly, medias’ large representation of moral panic as a response to supporters and supporter related violence. In addition, the study shows how there has been a discursive change in medias’ representation of supporters over time which confirms how media truly has the power to control society and its attitudes as well as determining and maintaining its ‘status quo’.

<p>We have studied the effects that blogs have on the society through interviews with influential bloggers, a news director and the founder of Sweden’s largest blogprovider.</p><p>Existing theoretical work by other researchers have been used as a starting point to our thesis. Via a deductive method we then proceeded to test these existing models and viewpoints on the reality.</p><p>Through our research we have concluded that blogs, if they co-operate, have an agenda-setting function, and that they can affect newspapers to write about certain topics.</p><p>We have also discussed blogs role as media watch dogs. Gunilla Sax, news director, questions the blog world’s ability to fully cover all media, and to deliver a systematic and just review of the media. Through her reasoning we have come to think that it is vital the blog society continues to evolve and mature, and we suggest that there might be a need for some sort of interest organization to coordinate the highly decentralized blog community.</p><p>Blogs can either be seen as a complement to the news-industry, or as an alternative. Respondents reflect about several differences amongst newspapers and blogs, mainly regarding the methods of work. However, they also confirm what, for example, Bruns (2008) and Våge et al. (2005) writes about the co-dependence that exists between regular newsmedia and the blog community.</p>

Denna uppsats undersöker TV-serien Star Treks värderingar ur ett politiskt ideologiskt perspektiv. Star Trek är en amerikansk science fiction-serie som skapades av Gene Roddenberry i mitten av 1960-talet. Frågeställningarna behandlar om det finns politiskt relaterade värderingar framställda i Star Trek, vilken politisk ideologi som mest liknar värderingarna i serien, och om det går att tolka det som om Star Trek har en ideologisk värdegrund. Med hjälp av dagordningsteori, kritisk medieteori och teorier om budskap diskuteras TV-bolagens makt över seriens innehåll. De politiska ideologierna konservatism, liberalism och socialism har valts för att kunna jämföras med analysmaterialet. Sex avsnitt från originalserien analyserades med hjälp av en hermeneutik och kvalitativ metod för att bäst kunna få insikt i materialet. Den faktiska analysen har skett med den narratologiska aktantmodellen samt närläsning baserad på kritisk medieteori, där citat bryts ut och tolkas. Resultaten har delats in i tre kategorier, nämligen ekonomi, människosyn och samhällsstruktur för att underlätta sammanställandet. Undersökningen visar att det finns både positivt och negativt framställda värderingar i Star Trek.Ingen politisk ideologi framställs som denenda rätta, men tendensen är att konservatism är minst propagerat för, medan den demokratiska varianten av socialism verkar förespråkas mest. Att resultatet blev splittrat kan härledas till att medieföretagen har stort inflytande över innehållet och att det är svårt att konsekvent framhäva en politisk ideologi i en TV-serie som Star Trek. Detta till följd av formatet på serierna och att de amerikanska TV-bolagen sätter speciella kommersiella krav på produktionen. Det reflekteras också över att politiska värderingar i ett underhållningmedium kan vara effektiva eftersom de politiska budskapen inte har fokus utan intas indirekt. / This thesis examines the values in the TV-series called Star Trek from a political perspective. Star Trek is an American science fiction-series that was created byGene Roddenberry during the mid-1960s. The queries are about whether or not political values are expressed in Star Trek, what political ideology is coherent with those, and if it is possible to interpret this as if Star Trek has an actual politically ideological fundament. Media power over content has been discussed, and because of this there has been made use of critical media theories together with theory of agenda setting and message. The political ideologies of conservatism, liberalism and socialism have been chosen to be compared with the material of analysis.Seven episodes of the original series have been chosen to get a good view of the material by the use of hermeneutic and qualitative research methodology.The analysis was done with the narratological actant model plus a method based on critical media theory, where quotes are being extracted and interpreted. The results have been categorised as either relating to economics, view of mankind or structure of society. The examination shows that there are both positively and negatively described values in Star Trek. No distinct political ideology is being clearly advocated, but there are tendencies for negative views of conservative values aswell as a positive coherence with democratic socialism. The results were difficult to conclude, and this could point towards that the media companies have big influence over their transmitted contents, and that it is difficult to consistently highlight politically ideological values in a television series like Star Trek. This is because the format of TV-series set by american commercial interests puts certain demands on productions. There are reflections about that political values in a medium of entertainment could be effective since the political messages are not in focus but received indirectly.

We have studied the effects that blogs have on the society through interviews with influential bloggers, a news director and the founder of Sweden’s largest blogprovider. Existing theoretical work by other researchers have been used as a starting point to our thesis. Via a deductive method we then proceeded to test these existing models and viewpoints on the reality. Through our research we have concluded that blogs, if they co-operate, have an agenda-setting function, and that they can affect newspapers to write about certain topics. We have also discussed blogs role as media watch dogs. Gunilla Sax, news director, questions the blog world’s ability to fully cover all media, and to deliver a systematic and just review of the media. Through her reasoning we have come to think that it is vital the blog society continues to evolve and mature, and we suggest that there might be a need for some sort of interest organization to coordinate the highly decentralized blog community. Blogs can either be seen as a complement to the news-industry, or as an alternative. Respondents reflect about several differences amongst newspapers and blogs, mainly regarding the methods of work. However, they also confirm what, for example, Bruns (2008) and Våge et al. (2005) writes about the co-dependence that exists between regular newsmedia and the blog community.