In the wake of the recent wave of interest in the ties between Early Rus and the Latin world, this dissertation investigates conceptions and depictions of Latin Christians in Early Rusian texts. Unlike previous smaller-scale studies, the present study takes into consideration all indigenous Early Rusian narrative sources which make reference to Latins or the Latin world. Its contribution is twofold. Firstly, it overturns the still prevalent assumption that Early Rusian writers tended to portray Latins as religious Others. There was certainly a place in Early Rusian writing for religious polemic against the Latin faith, but as I show, this place was very restricted. Secondly, having established the considerable diversity and complexity of rhetorical approaches to Latins, this study analyses and explains rhetorical patterns in Early Rusian portrayals of Latins and Latin Christendom. Scholars have tended to interpret these patterns as primarily influenced by extra-textual factors (most often, a text’s time of composition). This study, however, establishes that textual factors—specifically genre and theme—are the best predictors of a text’s portrayal of Latins, and explains the appearance and evolution of particular generic and thematic representations. It also demonstrates that a text’s place of composition tends to have a greater influence on its depictions of Latins than its time of composition. Through close engagement with the subtleties and ambiguities of Early Rusian depictions of Latins, this study furthers contemporary debate on questions of narrative, identity and difference in Rus and the medieval world.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-02-07Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:15:21Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 souza_ld_me_assis.pdf: 728346 bytes, checksum: 17357721b1c7e1153830b574a21d0ca5 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a teoria política medieval no século XIV, tendo como referencial as obras sobre o tema elaboradas pelo franciscano Guilherme de Ockham (1280?-1349). A abordagem feita por nós da política medieval do século XIV concentrou-se na pesquisa sobre a relação entre o poder espiritual (Igreja) e o poder temporal (Reino), visando entender qual era a posição de Ockham diante da discussão da plenitudo potestatis. Analisamos como o franciscano interpretou os argumentos, os termos e os textos que eram utilizados para provar a proeminência do poder espiritual sobre o poder temporal. Para ele, competia à teologia, em primeiro lugar, sondar que tipo de poder deviam exercer os sacerdotes dentro da sociedade cristã. Procuramos compreender o motivo que levou Ockham a colocar a questão da pobreza evangélica das ordens mendicantes, especialmente a posição defendida pelos franciscanos entre os temas políticos. Nas discussões sobre o poder temporal e espiritual, Ockham defendeu posições que o aproximam de outros teólogos do século XIV e de teorias mais antigas. Porém, sua posição política possui elementos de originalidade que reintroduzem os princípios teológico- cristãos no centro das discussões sobre o poder. / This dissertation has as objective to comprehend the medieval political theory in the fourteenth century regarding to the work about this theme done by the Franciscan William of Ockham (1280?.1349). In the approach that we made about the medieval politics of the fourteenth century, we focused our research in the relation between the spiritual power (Church) and the temporal power (Kingdon) aiming to understand which was the Ockham.s position referring to the discussion of plenitudo postestatis. We analyzed how the Franciscan interpreted these arguments, term and texts which were used to prove the superiority of the spiritual power over the temporal power. He believed it was the theology role to tell what sort of power the clergyman should exert n the Christian society. We try to comprehend the reason that took Ockham to insert the evangelical poverty in the beggar orders, especially in the view of the Franciscan. In the discussions about the spiritual and the temporal power, Ockham supported the opinions which approach from others fourteenth century theologian and more ancient theories. Nevertheless his position has original elements which reintroduce the theological-christian principles in the center of the discussion about the power.

La sangre ha sido universalmente considerada como la imagen fundamental de la vida, el vehículo de lo vital que, cuando se derrama, llama a la muerte. Su simbología es ambivalente, signo simultáneo de purificación y corrupción, energía y violencia. En este trabajo se busca investigar cómo la significación paradójica de la contemplación de la sangre es un motivo literario que se puede verificar a través de tres lecturas medievales: la devota cristiana, la amorosa, y la perversa. La siguiente investigación se propone establecer que la contemplación de la sangre ha sido objeto de inspiración literaria y religiosa en la Edad Media. La imagen de la sangre y/o sus gotas induce a fenómenos extáticos de ensimismamiento o contemplación que se manifiestan en formas paradójicas, y sin sentido unívoco, en diferentes períodos de la historia y a través de los siguientes registros de escritura o corpus: en el religioso y hagiográfico con las Sagradas Escrituras (entendido aquí como antecedente necesario para la comprensión de muchos fenómenos medievales) y las vidas de algunos(as) santos(as) en torno a la visión, y contemplación, de la Santa Sangre; en la primera ‘novela’ medieval Perceval El Galés o el Cuento del Grial, y los motivos literarios que giran en torno a la escena en la que el protagonista cae en un estado de contemplación profunda ante tres gotas de sangre estampadas en la nieve; y en las actas judiciales eclesiástica y civil del Proceso de Gilles de Rais de la Baja Edad Media, donde se revela el estado de éxtasis en el que caía este asesino ante el derramamiento de sangre de sus víctimas. Esta imagen simbólica tiene un efecto de desbordamiento, escapa al control y llama a una transformación en profundidad. Así como las devotas medievales pierden el sentido cuando se sienten inundadas por la sangre de Cristo, el héroe Perceval lo pierde también ante la visión hipnótica de este elemento derramado en la nieve, y Gilles de Rais representa el nivel más extremo de desenfreno y pérdida de conciencia, o sea de preponderancia –en sus palabras y en sus conductas- del inconsciente, cuando cae en éxtasis al ver el líquido vital escurriendo incansablemente de los cuerpos abiertos de niños agónicos.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a relação entre pensamento e vontade em Averróis, principalmente no que toca a individualidade humana. A discussão movida no século XIII contra o Grande Comentário ao De Anima acusa o comentador de negar ao homem a possibilidade de transcender a existência material, pois a tese da unidade do intelecto material faz da alma humana apenas um receptáculo de formas sensíveis, que se corrompe com a morte do corpo. Em outras palavras, a liberdade e a individualidade do homem estão comprometidas, pois um ser desprovido de intelecto não é um ser dotado de vontade. Para Averróis, o propósito da existência humana é alcançar sua perfeição última, a identificação final com o intelecto agente separado da matéria, que também representa o alcance da felicidade suprema. Esta pode ser alcançada por meio do conhecimento do mundo e de suas causas, em outras palavras, o alcance da felicidade é uma investigação. Para tanto, o homem necessita do estabelecimento de uma relação de conjunção com os intelectos separados da matéria para a realização deste propósito. A aquisição da universalidade destas substâncias separadas é que permitirá ao homem universalizar o conhecimento particular obtido dos seres materiais. E essa atividade parece não ter outro motor que a vontade. Assim, é necessário analisar a estrutura desta relação de conhecimento, entender como é possível ao homem adquirir o conhecimento universal constitui um ponto fundamental na obra de Averróis. Já que este será o ponto de partida pra elaboração de toda uma postura ética que tem na vontade e na aquisição de conhecimento os elementos que constituem a plena realização da natureza humana na existência terrena e a garantia da bem aventurança na vida futura / This work aims to analyze the relation between thought and will in Averroes, particularly with respect to human individuality. The discussion moved in the thirteenth century against the Great Commentary on De Anima accuses the commentator of denying to man the possibility of transcending material existence, because the thesis of the unity of the material intellect makes the human soul just a receptacle of sensitive forms, which is corrupt with the death of the body. In other words, the freedom and individuality of man are compromised because one being devoid of intellect is not a being endowed of will. For Averroes, the purpose of human existence is achieving its ultimate perfection, the final identification with the intellect separated from matter, which also represents the attainment of the supreme happiness. This can be achieved through knowledge of the world and its causes, in other words, the achievement of happiness is an investigation. To this end, man needs the establishment of a relationship of conjunction with the separate intellects from matter to achieving this purpose. The acquisition of the universality of these separate substances will allow the man to universalize the particular knowledge obtained from material beings. And this activity seems to have no other motor than will. Thus, it is necessary to analyze the structure of this knowledge relation, understand how it is possible for man to acquire universal knowledge is a key point in the work of Averroes. Since this will be the starting point for developing a whole ethical position that has in the will and on the acquisition of knowledge elements which constitute the full realization of human nature in earthly existence and the guarantee of beatitude in the hereafter

Em diversas passagens, Tomás de Aquino afirma que é impossível o nosso intelecto, unido ao corpo, inteligir algo em ato sem se converter aos fantasmas (conversio ad phantasmata). Segue-se, portanto, que a conversão aos fantasmas [i.e., o direcionamento natural do intelecto para as imagens recebidas pelos sentidos] é a condição de possibilidade da intelecção humana. Agora, se tal intelecção depende da conversão aos fantasmas, e estes, por sua vez, dependem da afecção dos entes materiais sobre os sentidos, conclui-se que o conhecimento intelectual humano só é possível a partir do conhecimento sensível. Se é correta essa simplificação, então, podemos continuar perguntando pela questão que, de fato, interessará aqui, a saber, se é possível o conhecimento dos incorpóreos, dos quais não existem fantasmas (imagens recebidas). Ora, se é indubitável que dos incorpóreos não temos fantasmas, então, como poderíamos inteligilos, uma vez que a intelecção humana depende necessariamente da conversio ad phantasmata? Para dar conta dessa problemática, propomos primeiro explicar porque a conversão aos fantasmas é a conditio sine qua non da intelecção humana. Somente depois disso, consideraremos o objetivo central desta investigação que é explicitar como Tomás de Aquino argumenta a favor da possibilidade do conhecimento de Deus, do qual não temos fantasmas / In several passages, Thomas Aquinas states that it is impossible for our intellect, united to the body, can actually to understand without conversion to the phantasms (conversio ad phantasmata). It follows therefore that the conversion to the phantasms (i.e., the natural direction of the intellect to the images received by the senses) is the condition of possibility of human intellection. Now, if such intellection depends on the conversion to the phantasms, and these, in turn, depend on the affection of the material ones on the senses, it is concluded that the human intellectual knowledge is only possible from sensitive knowledge. If this simplification is correct, then we can keep asking the question that really concern us here, namely, the question of the possibility of knowledge of incorporeal things, of which there are no phantasms (received images). While it is no doubt that we have no phantasms of incorporeal things, so how could we to understand them, since human intellection necessarily depends on the conversio ad phantasmata? To resolve this issue, we propose first explain why the conversion to the phantasms is the conditio sine qua non of human intellection. Only after that, we consider the main objective of this research: to explain how Aquinas argues for the possibility of knowledge of God, of which we have no phantasms

O objetivo da presente pesquisa consiste numa tradução e comentários dos três primeiros capítulos do primeiro tratado do Liber de Philosophia Prima sive Scientia Divina Livro referente à Primeira Filosofia ou Ciência Divina -, de Avicena, que trata do estabelecimento da Metafísica como ciência filosófica a partir da delimitação de seu objeto formal e de sua conveniente denominação. / The objective of this research entails translation and commentaries of three first chapters of first treaty of Liber de Philosophia Prima sive Scientia Divina Book on First Philosophy or Divine Science -, of Avicenne, which is about the establishment of Metaphysic as philosophic science from delimitation of its subject matter and its convenient denomination.

This project explores connections between hero and history, text and context. By engaging Postcolonial theories about the roles that invasion and oppression, play in developing national identity and how colonized people respond to such encounters in literature, I examine how experiences of invasion and hostile interaction as represented in medieval and early modern English literature influenced the creation of specific heroic values. In my first chapter, I analyze The Battle of Maldon and Beowulf as exemplars of the Anglo-Saxon culture, observing that Byrhtnoth and Beowulf work as fictional embodiments of a fantasy of power: men of super-human strength and exceptional resoluteness who, through remarkable sacrifices, inspire men to accomplish phenomenal deeds of their own. Next, I explore Arthur in The Alliterative Morte Arthure and Le Morte Darthur, who embraces his hybridity, fluidly moving between the Anglo-Saxon warrior tradition and the French romance tradition. Last, I consider Shakespeare’s Henry V, which depicts a conquering hero who possesses the prowess and nobility of his heroic predecessors and the ability to succeed where they failed, securing England’s continental dominance. In each era, I contend that the authors created heroes on whom they could project a fantasized identity which defied the realities of their time, heroes who changed based upon the type of threat faced by England. This study samples five hundred years of literature and uses this breadth to explore cross-periodic continuity, finding that the heroes of these texts respond not only to their historical context, but also to each other. This scope allows one to see how the emblem of the hero responds to the reality of the authors and audiences of these texts. The figure of the hero develops over centuries, demonstrating that as the needs of the authors and audiences change, so, too, does the character who represents them. These literary figures provide a unique window into the culture and concerns of the authors and audiences during the medieval and early modern eras. They represent desire for strength, inspiration, glory and triumph. They reflect the agony of anxiety, vulnerability, defeat, and hopelessness. Most importantly, they reimagine, reframe, and redress reality.

While troubadour and trouvère repertoires have recently received fresh attention from music scholars, the study of medieval German vernacular song—Minnesang—continues to be located firmly outside the canon(s) of musicology. The present thesis seeks to re-insert Minnesang into musicological discourse by demonstrating the ways in which the repertoire has been constructed as musical, both by the creators of medieval manuscript sources and by modern scholars. The modern ontology of music as defined by notation and performance has prevented scholars from understanding manuscripts such as the Codex Manesse (C) as intrinsically musical. While the texts alone may have sufficed to enable their intended audiences to view them as musical entities, C’s 137 author miniatures further contribute to the manuscript’s musicality: the Minnesänger are depicted as authors and experiencing personae, revealing a strong concern for oral communication—which, in the Middle Ages, was inherently musical. The Jenaer Liederhandschrift (<b>J</b>) and other manuscripts equally reveal their musicality when scrutinised beyond the search for musical notation: through ordering and folio design. The thesis establishes the influence exerted by previous scholarship on today’s lack of interest in the music of Minnesang, and outlines the importance of scholarly discourse and its study in a historiographical context. Before the 1970s, an existing musical discourse on Minnesang encouraged musicologists and philologists to continue to engage in it—despite the fact that the dominant interest in contrafacture and rhythm found few answers in the surviving source material. A concluding case study of Walther von der Vogelweide’s Palästinalied exemplifies the musicality of medieval manuscripts and its complex (mis)construction by modern scholarship. The thesis provides the basis for a fresh assessment of the music of Minnesang: beyond the confines of modern ontologies of music, and as part of the study of medieval song.

This thesis presents an investigation into children in medieval England through burial, the most archaeologically-visible evidence for the treatment and conceptualisation of children in life. It examines whether children were distinguished in burial from adults in parish cemeteries of the 10th-16th centuries. Selected cemeteries are analysed in detail to establish whether or not children received different burial treatment to adults. The burials of biologically-immature individuals are compared with the remainder of the burial population, totalling c.4,700 individuals, assessing whether the provision of burial furniture, burial in a shared grave and location of graves varied by age at death. The dissertation includes a discussion of archaeological and historical approaches to children and child burial, both general and medieval, medieval attitudes to children, death and burial, before discussing the case study sites in depth. From this, the methodological issues of undertaking such a study are considered and a sympathetic methodology developed, before the presentation of analysis, discussions and conclusions. I demonstrate that a variety of burial practices were used during the medieval period and that differentiation by age at death occurred. The results show that burials of juveniles are commonly differentiated, particularly infants aged 0-1 year or children aged 12 years or younger, by furniture, inclusion in a multiple burial and location. The thesis concludes that a variety of factors affected how an individual was buried, with age a strong determining factor for those dying at a young age. The influence of age is interpreted as resulting from medieval attitudes to infants, children and adolescents based on active, socially-identified characteristics, indicative of age-based appropriate burial treatment on both familial and community levels due to emotional, social, religious and economic concerns.

No description available.