This thesis explores how Egypt’s militant extremists used theological sources and the methodology of Islamic juridical-religious thought as instruments of legitimization for acts of political violence. Most studies dealing with the topic of Muslim extremism in Egypt are defined by a dominant interpretive paradigm, which treats Muslim extremists as political reactionaries, responding to a variety of political, economic, social, and cultural grievances. Although such grievances certainly played an important role in the development of extremism, the theological dimension of extremist ideologies has been drastically understudied. This thesis puts forth two correlative arguments. First, this thesis argues that the phenomenon of Muslim extremism in Egypt cannot be fully understood, without understanding its theological dimension. Secondly, this thesis argues that the historical trajectory of extremism and militant theological thought in Egypt from 1954-1997 unfolded in three distinct and heterogeneous phases, each with its own unique characteristics.

The following is a report concerning quantitative research carried out in the pursuit of a Master's degree. This research details an examination of the hypothesis that the political ideology of militant extremists and the selection of Majority or Minority target influences sentencing severity. The research uses information collected on 510 indictees in "The American Terrorism Study, 1980-2002", which was funded by the United States Department of Justice. Using an OLS regression (Independent Variables: Type of Militant Group, Majority Target, Crime Severity Index, Gender, and Education; Dependent Variables: Outcome of Indictment, Sentence, Time Sentenced, Fine Sentenced, Restitution Sentenced, and Combined Fine/Restitution Amount) it was discovered that there is no tendency for militant extremists targeting Majority facilities or personnel to receive more severe sentences. Additionally, there is an interaction between Leftist group identification and Education level with the amount of the Fines levied. Further research in this area would be advanced by having access to detailed breakdowns into the socio-economic backgrounds of the individuals involved. / Master of Science

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. "September 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on 6 November 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Albania, Britain, France, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Islamic radicalization, religious education, terrorism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-89). Also available in print.

O tema desta dissertação de mestrado é a controvérsia sobre os direitos civis e políticos das mulheres na França revolucionária , suscitada pela atuação cívica vigorosa das militantes políticas nos seis primeiros anos da Revolução - 1789-1795. Essas mulheres adquiriram uma visibilidade dramática ao participar maciçamente do movimento revolucionário, organizar-se em clubes políticos e exercer na prática alguns dos direitos de cidadania reservados ao sexo masculino. Seus direitos cívicos foram recusados, mas, pela primeira vez o assunto foi debatido e as autoridades tiveram que justificar a exclusão publicamente. O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar como as mulheres do povo conseguiram participar tão ativamente da vida política nacional no período inicial da Revolução e as razões pelas quais foram afastadas da cena pública. Estudarei a questão através das categorias práticas e representações, focalizando a atuação das militantes, e as imagens de mulheres nos espaços públicos e privados. Três grupos femininos emblemáticos serão considerados: as mães republicanas, as militantes políticas e as mulheres-soldados. A militância será analisada em duas vertentes principais: as jornadas revolucionárias começando pela Marcha a Versalhes em 1789 e a atuação de clubes femininos como a Sociedade das Republicanas Revolucionárias. As ativistas foram derrotadas junto com o último levante popular em Prairial do ano III. Razões políticas e culturais explicam porque as mulheres foram mal recebidas na arena política nacional. O capítulo da Iconografia apresenta 37 imagens de alegorias, caricaturas e cenas de acontecimentos da Revolução que ajudam a compreender o comportamento que se esperava das mulheres decentes: a maternidade com a dimensão cívica da educação dos futuros patriotas e a dedicação exclusiva ao lar. A moral republicana exigia que cada um cumprisse o seu papel na família e no corpo político. Era preciso manter a diferenciação das funções dos sexos: as mulheres deviam governar a casa e os homens o país. As militantes queriam ser mulheres livres, armarse, agir com independência , mas a maioria dos homens achava que eram usurpadoras das atribuições masculinas. A iconografia mostra modelos de comportamentos femininos virtuosos: deusas representando a nação porque estavam acima dos conflitos ou mães abnegadas, caridosas e heróicas. As que freqüentavam as tribunas das assembléias se transformavam nas terríveis \"tricoteiras\". As militantes foram toleradas enquanto foram úteis quando fizeram oposição aos jacobinos foram reprimidas em nome dos princípios morais que sustentavam a República. / The subject of this Master\'s thesis is the controversy about civil and political rights of women in revolutionary France, sparked by the vigorous female militancy in the early years of the Revolution 1789-1795. These women became dramatically visible when they massively joined the revolutionary movement, organized in political clubs and exercized some exclusively male citizenship rights. Their political rights of citizenship were denied , but for the first time the issue was debated and government officials had to publicly justify their decision. The objective of this research is to study how working-class women managed to participate so actively in national politics in the initial period of the Revolution and the reasons that led to their being banned from the public scene. I will explore the subject from the perspective of women\'s practices and representations, meaning the militants\' civic actions and women\'s images in the public and private spheres. This paper will focus on three main groups of women: republican mothers, political activists and women soldiers. Their political involvement will be considered from the standpoint of their participation in insurrectionary journées, such as the March to Versailles, and membership in women\'s political clubs, such as the parisian Society of Revolutionary Republicans. The militant citoyennes were defeated in the last popular uprising of Prairial, Year III. Political and cultural factors explain why women\'s intervention in national politics was not welcomed. The chapter on representations discusses a repertoire of 37 alegories , caricatures and revolutionary events that help understand the kind of behaviour expected of decent women: civic motherhood, whose aim was to nurture and educate future patriots and an exclusive devotion to domestic duties. Republican morals required that everyone fulfilled their proper role in the family and in public life. It was necessary to maintain the cultural norms of gender differentiation : women managed the household and men ruled the country. Militants wanted to be \"free women\", that is, bear arms, and act independently , but most men thought that activists were \"stepping out of their sex\" and usurping male roles. The iconography fosters virtuous feminine behaviour: lofty goddesses representing the nation because they stood above conflict; or self-sacrificing, charitable and heroic mothers. The women who regularly attended the Assembly galleries became despicable \"knitters\". Militant women were tolerated while useful but when they became political adversaries, they were repressed in the name of the essential moral principles of the Republic

Texte remanié de: Mémoire de DEA--Histoire--Paris 8. / POUM = Partido obrero de unificación marxista. Bibliogr. p. 125-131.

O tema desta dissertação de mestrado é a controvérsia sobre os direitos civis e políticos das mulheres na França revolucionária , suscitada pela atuação cívica vigorosa das militantes políticas nos seis primeiros anos da Revolução - 1789-1795. Essas mulheres adquiriram uma visibilidade dramática ao participar maciçamente do movimento revolucionário, organizar-se em clubes políticos e exercer na prática alguns dos direitos de cidadania reservados ao sexo masculino. Seus direitos cívicos foram recusados, mas, pela primeira vez o assunto foi debatido e as autoridades tiveram que justificar a exclusão publicamente. O objetivo da pesquisa é estudar como as mulheres do povo conseguiram participar tão ativamente da vida política nacional no período inicial da Revolução e as razões pelas quais foram afastadas da cena pública. Estudarei a questão através das categorias práticas e representações, focalizando a atuação das militantes, e as imagens de mulheres nos espaços públicos e privados. Três grupos femininos emblemáticos serão considerados: as mães republicanas, as militantes políticas e as mulheres-soldados. A militância será analisada em duas vertentes principais: as jornadas revolucionárias começando pela Marcha a Versalhes em 1789 e a atuação de clubes femininos como a Sociedade das Republicanas Revolucionárias. As ativistas foram derrotadas junto com o último levante popular em Prairial do ano III. Razões políticas e culturais explicam porque as mulheres foram mal recebidas na arena política nacional. O capítulo da Iconografia apresenta 37 imagens de alegorias, caricaturas e cenas de acontecimentos da Revolução que ajudam a compreender o comportamento que se esperava das mulheres decentes: a maternidade com a dimensão cívica da educação dos futuros patriotas e a dedicação exclusiva ao lar. A moral republicana exigia que cada um cumprisse o seu papel na família e no corpo político. Era preciso manter a diferenciação das funções dos sexos: as mulheres deviam governar a casa e os homens o país. As militantes queriam ser mulheres livres, armarse, agir com independência , mas a maioria dos homens achava que eram usurpadoras das atribuições masculinas. A iconografia mostra modelos de comportamentos femininos virtuosos: deusas representando a nação porque estavam acima dos conflitos ou mães abnegadas, caridosas e heróicas. As que freqüentavam as tribunas das assembléias se transformavam nas terríveis \"tricoteiras\". As militantes foram toleradas enquanto foram úteis quando fizeram oposição aos jacobinos foram reprimidas em nome dos princípios morais que sustentavam a República. / The subject of this Master\'s thesis is the controversy about civil and political rights of women in revolutionary France, sparked by the vigorous female militancy in the early years of the Revolution 1789-1795. These women became dramatically visible when they massively joined the revolutionary movement, organized in political clubs and exercized some exclusively male citizenship rights. Their political rights of citizenship were denied , but for the first time the issue was debated and government officials had to publicly justify their decision. The objective of this research is to study how working-class women managed to participate so actively in national politics in the initial period of the Revolution and the reasons that led to their being banned from the public scene. I will explore the subject from the perspective of women\'s practices and representations, meaning the militants\' civic actions and women\'s images in the public and private spheres. This paper will focus on three main groups of women: republican mothers, political activists and women soldiers. Their political involvement will be considered from the standpoint of their participation in insurrectionary journées, such as the March to Versailles, and membership in women\'s political clubs, such as the parisian Society of Revolutionary Republicans. The militant citoyennes were defeated in the last popular uprising of Prairial, Year III. Political and cultural factors explain why women\'s intervention in national politics was not welcomed. The chapter on representations discusses a repertoire of 37 alegories , caricatures and revolutionary events that help understand the kind of behaviour expected of decent women: civic motherhood, whose aim was to nurture and educate future patriots and an exclusive devotion to domestic duties. Republican morals required that everyone fulfilled their proper role in the family and in public life. It was necessary to maintain the cultural norms of gender differentiation : women managed the household and men ruled the country. Militants wanted to be \"free women\", that is, bear arms, and act independently , but most men thought that activists were \"stepping out of their sex\" and usurping male roles. The iconography fosters virtuous feminine behaviour: lofty goddesses representing the nation because they stood above conflict; or self-sacrificing, charitable and heroic mothers. The women who regularly attended the Assembly galleries became despicable \"knitters\". Militant women were tolerated while useful but when they became political adversaries, they were repressed in the name of the essential moral principles of the Republic

Cette thèse porte sur les formes d'engagement et des revendications de légitimité affirmés au tour des organisations de desocupados. Elle compare des militants avec les non militants observés dans leur même milieu social. Elle analyse deux mouvements de travailleurs desocupados (MTD) situés dans les villes de Berisso et Berazategui entre 2003 et 2007. Cette interrogation s'appuis sur une analyse ethnographique des liens établis entre membres et non membres, notamment parmi leurs proches et vecinos. Les parcours sont perméables sur le long terme entre engagement et retrait, division du travail entre familiers pour répartir les responsabilités privées, économiques et publiques. L'analyse porte sur le mouvement piquetero en tant qu'acteur politique, mais aussi, sur le mode de vie, les conceptions de l'activité et de la justice mises en œuvre par l'engagement dans ces organisations. Une première partie montre la manière dont les actions politiques des mouvements de desocupados sont imbriquées dans le vécu quotidien des acteurs. Se dégagent au fils des observations, des moments militants dans les milieux sociaux concernés. La seconde partie analyse la notion de travail et de l'activité étendue, également, à l'activité politique. Le travail demeure au centre des représentations de l'activité légitime, mais recouvre de nouvelles pratiques et de nouvelles formes d'activité radicalement opposées à la seule loi du marché. " Vivre en travaillant " peut devenir " vivre des productivos ". Enfin, le rapport à la parole des membres et non membres au sein du groupe signale une forme de publicité faite d'une confiance mutuelle, provisoire, qui étend la délibération aux lieux de travail.

Considérant que le mouvement étudiant est un phénomène social qui prend son essor durant les années soixante et qui s'inscrit dans une mouvance internationale, ce mémoire élabore une analyse comparative du développement organisationnel des mouvements étudiants, qui s'est amorcé dans les années cinquante et s'est poursuivi et consolidé pendant les années soixante, dans deux métropoles d'Amérique : Montréal et Bogotá (1954-1964). Cette approche comparée permet d'identifier quelques éléments significatifs qu'ils soient politiques, idéologiques ou sociaux, ayant une incidence dans la transformation et la radicalisation de la pensée des militante [i.e. militantes] et de son organisation. Pour ce faire, la presse étudiante et des articles écrits par des militant.e.s et publiés dans des revues de l'époque sont utilisés comme sources. Il existe une certaine proximité entre les processus de contestation et l'organisation sociale de la société québécoise et ceux des pays latino-américains comme la Colombie. Les années soixante sont une période d'affirmation culturelle, politique, économique, sociale ; un moment de construction d'indépendance chez les militant.e.s des deux métropoles. Étudier l'histoire du processus organisationnel des étudiant.e.s de Montréal en le comparant au sud et non à l'Europe ne peut qu'enrichir la connaissance et la compréhension de l'histoire sociale du Québec, en plus de tisser des ponts historiographiques avec d'autres sociétés du monde. Ce travail de mémoire cherche à valider l'hypothèse voulant qu'à certains égards, il est possible de parler des mouvements étudiants des années soixante comme de mouvements sociaux autonomes devenus sujets de l'action sociopolitique à l'échelle nationale et internationale. Ils ont parcouru un processus de politisation depuis les années cinquante et ont construit une nouvelle vision du rôle des organisations étudiantes, de l'université et de l'étudiant.e même. Les personnes impliquées dans l'action militante adoptent des valeurs et des principes communs qui, au moment de la contestation, ont préséance au-delà des barrières nationales. Cependant les mouvements étudiants des années soixante ont aussi été victimes d'une sorte d'éclatement organisationnel. Le présent travail de mémoire est divisé en trois chapitres. Le premier concerne les années cinquante au Québec, moment où plusieurs passent d'une vision de l'étudiant.e centré [i.e. centré.e] dans ses activités académiques et ludiques propres à un âge d'immaturité ou de transition vers la vie adulte à celui de l'activiste universitaire qui réclame l'amélioration du système d'éducation supérieure. La réflexion est centrée sur la lutte pour l'accessibilité aux études supérieures (1950 -1958) dans le but de montrer la démarche de politisation survenue à l'université de Montréal dans un contexte de conflits avec le gouvernement de Maurice Duplessis. Dans le même ordre d'idées, le deuxième chapitre cherche à tracer la politisation vécue à Bogotá en Colombie, dans un contexte de répression qui amène la population étudiante à s'organiser plus prématurément et à participer activement au renversement de la dictature. Finalement, le troisième et dernier chapitre attire l'attention sur la création des organisations étudiantes nationales au Québec et en Colombie. Ces organisations deviennent des structures officielles de représentation de la communauté étudiante en permettant à ses membres de devenir des acteurs sociaux autonomes capables d'échanger et de discuter directement avec le pouvoir établi. Ce dernier chapitre veut donc mettre en lumière le haut degré de radicalisation atteint par le militantisme dans son processus de politisation à Bogotá comme à Montréal. Les étudiant.e.s revendiquent leur droit, voire leur devoir d'intervenir à plusieurs égards, que ce soit sur l'éducation ou encore dans des actions sociales plus larges visant des changements sociopolitiques et économiques. Cette politisation est un élément fondamental à prendre en compte pour saisir l'implosion organisationnelle dont nous traitons sommairement dans la conclusion de ce travail de mémoire.

With the evolving problems of terrorism in Nigeria and the formation of numerous new terrorist groups, insurgency in Nigeria has escalated, making it one of the most terrorized countries in sub-Saharan Africa. This study looked critically at the effects of the strategies applied in the attempt to fight terrorism and how these strategies have affected insurgency in Nigeria. The background of the study gives an insight on the evolution of terrorist groups in Nigeria, their mode of operation, effects on citizens and the Nigerian economy, as well as the operations of counterterrorist agencies. The qualitative research method was used for this study. Critical theory and resource dependence theory were applied, and data were obtained through face-to-face and telephone interviews with 7 stakeholders. Detailed recommendations are made to aid counterterrorist agencies in developing and applying additional and effective workable strategies in their fight against terrorism. Policies in Nigeria were recommended that may discourage terrorism initiations and center the focus of youth towards nation-building. Social problems were identified connecting young people as the primary causes of terrorism in Nigeria. Solid recommendations in this direction have been provided to ensure youths across the country who form a vulnerable population and are the targets of terrorist sect recruitment are protected and provided with effective tools to prevent their conscription, while engaging them positively in becoming knowledgeable and self-reliant citizens.

Avec le soulèvement de 1946 (février-mars) débute en Égypte une crise politique qui dure jusqu’à la mise en place du système nassérien (1952-1954) où se mêlent velléités de changement social et d’indépendance. Les 18 et 19 janvier 1977, l’insurrection spontanée, contre la diminution des subventions publiques sur vingt-cinq produits de consommation, révèle le rejet massif du nouvel ordre moral que Sadate souhaite imposer. Les manifestants rappellent le Président de la République aux promesses nassériennes que la défaite de 1967 dans la guerre contre Israël a fait voler en éclat. Réflexion sur les façons de vivre et de transmettre l’expérience révolutionnaire, cette thèse présente, depuis Alexandrie, les épisodes insurrectionnels de 1946 et de 1977 qui ont secoué les grandes villes d’Égypte. Au travers d’une enquête orale auprès de militants alexandrins et des sources de nature diverses, les événements sont présentés tantôt sous l’angle du temps court, tantôt dans leur conjoncture.C’est à distance de la chronologie, dans les interstices des différents registres d’énonciation (témoignages et discours politiques, récit d’histoire ou de fiction, etc.), que cette thèse explore les traces du « trésor » : expérience collective de la liberté chère au poète René Char, « rejetée » par ceux qui la vivent une fois qu’elle se termine. On voit se dessiner des notions, des institutions et des expériences collectives au travers desquels se forgent, dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle, l’idée du changement social, de ses limites et les moyens par lesquels des personnes ordinaires peuvent y participer. / The uprising of 1946 (February-March) initiates a political crisis in Egypt that lasts until the implementation of the Nasserian system (1952-1954) and involves both hopes of social change and national independence. The spontaneous uprising that happens in January 18th and 19th 1977 against the reducing of price subsidies of 25 consuming products, reveals a massive rejection of the new moral order that Sadat wishes to impose. The demonstrators remind their President to the Nasserian promises that the 1967’s defeat in the war against Israel demolished.This thesis seeks to develop a reflexion on the ways of living and transmitting the revolutionary experience based on the events of the Egyptian urban uprisings of 1946 and 1977 from the point of view of Alexandria. It presents the events in the short time and in their conjunctures through an oral inquiry among Alexandrian activists and sources of several natures, as part of constant concern for documenting the effects of scale between individual history and collective history, as well as the historicity of insurrection.Away from linear chronology, in the interstices between the categories of expression (testimonies, stories and political discourses, history and fiction, etc.), this research explores the tracks of the “treasure”, a word that the poet Rene Char uses to describe a collective experience of liberty, rejected by whom lives it as soon as it ends. It reveals a network of notions, institutions and collective experiences which defines social change, its limits and the ways by which ordinary people get involved in it, through the second part of the XXth century.