Submitted by Lucienne Costa (lucienneferreira@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-05-11T17:58:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA CRISTINA RODRIGUES FURTADO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2018.pdf: 1658326 bytes, checksum: 6f5826e1d5d35ceff1f228feb11437ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-11T17:58:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANA CRISTINA RODRIGUES FURTADO – DISSERTAÇÃO (PPGH) 2018.pdf: 1658326 bytes, checksum: 6f5826e1d5d35ceff1f228feb11437ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03 / Capes / A presente dissertação discute a trajetória de vida de cinco mulheres que foram militantes políticas no período da ditadura militar no Brasil. São elas: Dilma Rousseff, Iara Iavelberg, Sônia Angel Jones,Vera Sílvia Magalhães e Dulce Maia. Todas elas participaram de organizações de esquerda, viveram na clandestinidade, precisaram usar nomes falsos – codinomes, elas foram presas, algumas exiladas, torturadas, outras mortas, e houve aquelas que sobreviveram. Para pensarmos e discutimos essas histórias selecionamos as vídeobiografias, que buscam mostrar através de suas narrativas histórias de sujeitos que possuem suas trajetórias interligadas a eventos importantes, a exemplo da história dessas mulheres. Essas vídeobiografias possuem o testemunho com objeto central, o qual articula o jogo de memória e esquecimento. Dentre as produções que foram selecionadas estão: Crepúsculo no Alvorada (Conexão Repórter/SBT , 2016), Paredes Pintadas (Pedro Santos, 2010), Iara Lembrança de Uma Mulher (Alberto Baumstein, 1994), Sônia Morta Viva (Sergio Waismann, 1985) e Memória Política (Ivan Santos, 2004). Além delas selecionamos duas biografias para comporem as nossas fontes, são elas: Iara Reportagem Biográfica (Judith Patarra, 1992) e Mulheres que foram à luta armada (Luiz Maklouf Carvalho, 1998). A partir dessas fontes pensamos como essas cinco mulheres falam de si, como se auto-representam, como constroem suas subjetividades, como significam as suas histórias, ou seja, como falam das suas experiências. Outra problemática recai sobre a construção das representações sobre essas mulheres, ou seja, como familiares, amigos, ex-companheiros de militância política, ex-esposos, ex-namorados e jornalistas, tentam representar momentos da trajetória de vida dessas mulheres. A partir dessas problemáticas, trabalhamos com conceitos como os de ditadura militar, vídeobiografia, testemunho, memória, esquecimento, escritas de si, representação, subjetividade, mulheres, feminismo, experiência, dentre outros. Percebemos assim, que há uma luta por um não esquecimento de tantas histórias de pessoas que lutaram contra um governo repressivo e autoritário que se configurou em uma ditadura militar no Brasil. Narra-se a partir de si e do outro, para que tantas histórias não caiam no esquecimento. / This dissertation discusses the life trajectory of five women who were political activists during the period of the military dictatorship in Brazil. They are: Dilma Rousseff, Iara Iavelberg, Sônia Angel Jones, Vera Sílvia Magalhães and Dulce Maia. They all participated in leftist organizations, lived in hiding, had to use false names - codenames, they were arrested, some exiled, tortured, others killed, and there were those who survived. In order to think and discuss these stories, we select the videoobiographies, which seek to show through their narratives stories of subjects that have their trajectories interconnected with important events, such as the history of these women. These videobiographs have the testimony with a central object, which articulates the play of memory and forgetfulness. Among the productions that have been selected are: Twilight in Alvorada (Conexão Reporter / SBT, 2016), Paredes Pintadas (Pedro Santos, 2010), Iara Remembrance of a Woman (Alberto Baumstein, 1994), Sônia Morta Viva (Sergio Waismann, 1985) and Political Memory (Ivan Santos, 2004). In addition to these we selected two biographies to compose our sources, they are: Iara Biographical Report (Judith Patarra, 1992) and Women who went to the armed struggle (Luiz Maklouf Carvalho, 1998). From these sources we think how these five women talk about themselves, how they construct their subjectivities, what their stories mean, that is, how they talk about their experiences. Another problem is the construction of representations about these women, that is, as family members, friends, ex-political companions, ex-spouses, ex-boyfriends and journalists, try to represent moments in the life trajectory of these women. From these problems, we work with concepts such as military dictatorship, videoobiography, testimony, memory, forgetfulness, self-writing, representation, subjectivity, women, feminism, experience, among others. We realize that there is a struggle for not forgetting so many stories of people who fought against a repressive and authoritarian government that was set up in a military dictatorship in Brazil. It narrates itself and the other, so that so many stories do not fall into oblivion.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dina_Schmidt.pdf: 1212421 bytes, checksum: 58020c8fd3522baccb8dfd3c6b7b343d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Considering the moment experienced by the Brazilian politics, which has housed a PT (Workers Party) government for the last 12 years, this paper proposes a reflection on a less visualized face of the Workers Party. The spotlight of politics emphasizes characters that hold positions of government or management of the political party. Therefore, the aim of this work is to dialogue with militants who helped to build the proposal as well as the partisan institution, and contributed to spread the Workers Party s ideas and label as far away from the political centers of the country. These militants were essential for the strengthening and rising of the political party. The objects of study for this project are militants that campaigned for the PT in the city of St. Helena-PR from 1980 to 2013. From oral testimony, the paper reflects on their careers as activists, trying to understand how and why they were inserted in the PT, how they developed their militant experiences, and the meanings they attributed to these experiences through their narratives. Besides the importance of the trajectory of individual militants as participant in the Brazilian political history process, the set of all these trajectories helps to redirect the reflection of the political center for the "peripheries", equally important for a thorough analysis of the current political spectrum / Considerando o momento vivido pela política brasileira, que há doze anos abriga um governo petista, este trabalho propõe uma reflexão sobre uma face menos visibilizada do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Observando que os holofotes da política enfatizam personagens que ocupam cargos de governo ou de gestão do próprio partido político, objetivo com este trabalho dialogar com militantes que ajudaram a construir tanto a proposta quanto a instituição partidária. Assim como contribuíram para a capilarização das ideias e da legenda do Partido dos Trabalhadores em lugares distantes dos centros políticos do país, e que foram essenciais para o fortalecimento e ascensão partido. Para tal empreendimento, tomo como objeto de estudo sujeitos que militaram pelo PT do município de Santa Helena-PR, entre 1980 e 2013. A partir de depoimentos orais estabeleço reflexões sobre suas trajetórias enquanto militantes, buscando compreender como e porque se inseriram no PT, como se desenrolaram suas experiências militantes e os sentidos que atribuem a elas a partir de suas narrativas no presente. Além da importância residente na trajetória de cada militante como sujeito participante do processo histórico político brasileiro, o conjunto delas ajuda a redirecionar a reflexão do centro político para as periferias , igualmente importantes para uma análise aprofundada sobre o espectro político atual

Icônes humanistes mondiales, Gandhi, Luther King et le Dalaï Lama ont une caractéristique commune : mettre le religieux –envisagé à partir du ''spirituel''– au coeur de leur démarche politique. De quoi singulariser ces ''spirituels engagés'' au sein de l'espace libéral, qui tend à cloisonner le religieux et le politique, surtout en France. Pourtant, des figures politiques du XXe siècle y partagent un certain air de famille avec ces leaders démocratiques originaux, dont Gandhi est le modèle. En effet, parmi bien d'autres (Péguy, Mounier, S. Weil, etc.), trois philosophes contemporains –le socialiste Jaurès (1859-1914), le néothomiste Maritain (1882-1973) et le non-violent Lanza del Vasto (1901-1981)– mettent aussi le ''spirituel'' au centre de leur parcours, même s'ils l'abordent différemment du fait de rapports différents à la religion dominante, le catholicisme. Loin d'une juxtaposition de trois monographies, cette thèse étudie ces cas afin de définir le ''spirituel', terme courant rarement précisé. Elle le conceptualise comme le ''souci du lien avec la réalité ultime'' (l'Absolu, l'Infini, ''Dieu'' pour les croyants), en détaille les effets objectifs (théoriques et pratiques) sur ces ''mystiques militants'' et typifie ceux-ci au sein d'un courant démocratique spécifique, ''spirituel-démocrate''. Peu étudiés jusqu'ici, ces effets sont si déterminants qu'ils impliquent la constitution du ''spirituel'' en catégorie anthropologique, entraînant une re-définition simultanée du politique et du religieux. Ce dernier, ainsi requalifié par le ''spirituel'', peut alors trouver droit de cité dans l'espace public libéral. Et la Théorie politique, l'opportunité d'un nouveau paradigme. / As global humanist icons, Gandhi, M. L. King Jr. and the Dalai Lama show a common feature : they put religion – seen from its spiritual core – at the heart of their political action. It is then meaningful to single out these spiritual and democratic leaders from the liberal political sphere, where religion and politics tend to be separated, specially in France. Yet, in this country, some political figures of the last century show a kind of family likeness with those original leaders, all of them inspired by Gandhi. Among many others (Péguy, Mounier, S. Weil...), three contemporary philosophers – Socialist J. Jaurès (1859-1914), Neo-Thomist J. Maritain (1882-1973) and Peace activist Lanza del Vasto (1901-1981) – also base their approach on a spiritual ground, in spite of their differences due to their own specific relationship with catholicism, the french predominant religion. Without wandering to historical and biographic details, this doctoral thesis is studying these cases in order to define the ''Spiritual'', which is rarely done. Here, this word is conceptualized as the ''concern of the link with the ultimate reality'' (the Absolute, the Infinite, God for the believers) ; and its objective effects (theoretical and practical) on our ''commited mystics'' are scrutinized, then characterized inside a specific democratic trend. These effects are so decisive that they imply to recognize the ''Spiritual'' as an anthropological category, entailing a simultaneous redifining of the Political and the Religious. The latter, thus being requalified through the ''Spiritual'', can also be admitted in the liberal public sphere, while Political theory can find a new scientific paradigm.

La présente étude s’intéresse aux parcours individuels et collectif des membres de l’association CasaPound Italia, un groupe de l’ultra-droite italienne ayant émergé au début des années 2000. Le parcours collectif des membres du groupe, au lieu d’être la fonction de facteurs structurels, est démonté comme étant redevable à l’évolution de séquences d’interactions : d’abord, la diffusion de tactiques, d’identités collectives et de réseaux dès les années 1980; la structuration de différents axes du groupe se basant sur les expériences antérieures des membres impliqués dès ses débuts et aux contextes d’engagement marqués par des bouleversements dans le milieu de l’ultra-droite des années 1990; enfin, l’implantation différenciée du groupe jusqu’à aujourd’hui dans les différentes régions de l’Italie, selon des dynamiques complexes locales, et ce, autant avec des acteurs externes à l’organisation qu’avec des membres de ses sections. En partant de l’analyse des événements vécus par les membres interviewés selon un temps long d’observation, on aperçoit ainsi le danger d’attribuer le parcours collectif à des facteurs hors du contrôle des militants et comme relevant du « registre de l’extraordinaire ». En ce qui a trait à leurs parcours individuels, au lieu de témoigner de trajectoires et de profils types en fonction de leur origine sociale, les entretiens révèlent la superposition d’éléments « typiques » de différents parcours. Les parcours sont ici replacés à l’intersection des cheminements individuels, des efforts déployés par l’organisation et des contextes d’engagement. Enfin, en dépit de points communs dans l’explication du maintien des engagements et des expériences du militantisme, les entretiens soulignent les variations des expériences vécues par chacun des militants en lien aux situations vécues.

Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestataires. / This thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carolina_Vergara_Rodrigues_Dissertacao.pdf: 1680080 bytes, checksum: e1bb49aa6d43b088c4a3ec32337b7eec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-01-19 / The growing and current mobilization of black identities in the Black Atlantic has been stimulated by elements, objects and practices that results from are ne wed construction of black culture. Above all, is concerned black references non-traditional related to modernity. Given this statement and its reverberation in more remote areas and regions of the Black Atlantic, the focus of analysis is proposed in this work shows the process of building the blackness of a group of black women from southern Brazil. In the course of the text, we have identified and problematize the elements deployed in affirmation of blackness. Giving special attention to the food sand dishes played by the group of women who have been classified as african gastronomy-among them the "vatapa gaucho fashion" and the quibebe . In parallel, thestudy describes the emergence and consolidation of the black movement and the basics struggle anti-racist site, both linked within the path of militancy of these women-pastoral agents black / A crescente e atual mobilização de identidades negras no Atlântico Negro tem sido estimulada por elementos, objetos e práticas que partem de uma construção renovada da cultura negra. Tratam-se, sobretudo, de referências negras não-tradicionais relacionadas à modernidade. Tendo em vista esta assertiva e sua reverberação nas zonas e regiões mais longínquas do Atlântico Negro,o foco da análise a que se propõe este trabalho evidencia o processo de construção da negritude de um grupo de mulheres negras do extremo sul do Brasil. No decorrer do texto, identificamos e problematizamos os elementos mobilizados na afirmação da negritude. É dada especial atenção às comidas e pratos reproduzidos pelo grupode mulheres observado, que vêm sendo classificados como gastronomia afro entre estes, o vatapá à moda gaúcha e o quibebe. Em paralelo, o estudo descreve a emergência e consolidação do movimento negro e as bases da luta anti-racista local, ambos vinculados à trajetória de militância destas mulheres agentes de pastoral negras

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2009-2010 / Ce mémoire présente une analyse du processus de production sociale et de construction sociale du 5e campement autogéré, qui s'est tenu près de Montebello, en Outaouais, en août 2007. Les notions de lieu exemplaire, d'hétérotopie, d'imaginaire utopique, d'innovation sociale et culturelle et de pratique ont été mobilisées dans le cadre d'une approche théorique centrée sur les concepts de production sociale et de construction sociale de l'espace. Y sont mises à profit des données recueillies lors d'une recherche ethnographique réalisée autour de et pendant cet événement. L'analyse permet d'identifier les significations, orientations et projets politiques particuliers que les participants et les participantes articulaient aux pratiques collectives mises de l'avant au campement 2007, dans le cadre d'une mobilisation politique plus large. On reconnaîtra alors que les campeurs et campeuses inscrivent la démarche du Campement dans de grandes orientations axées sur l'autonomisation collective et la production d'une nouvelle culture politique et que certains et certaines l'ont investie, en 2007, de projets politiques plus spécifiques relevant de la démonstration d'alternatives diverses et de la mobilisation à une manifestation. Les diverses ambitions qui étaient projetées, par les campeurs et les campeuses, dans le campement 2007 s'articulent parfois difficilement en regard des temporalités différentes desquelles elles relèvent. L'analyse permet également de reconnaître que des conceptions différentes du rapport du Campement autogéré lui-même au temps existaient parmi les campeurs et les campeuses, en 2007. Finalement, cette étude de cas soulève la problématique fondamentale relative aux conditions d'exercice et de reproduction de la démocratie et met en évidence l'importance de considérer la dimension temporelle des pratiques d'innovation sociale dans l'étude des mouvements sociaux.

Pas de résumé en français

Pas de résumé en français / Pas de résumé en anglais

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2017-08-16T17:24:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Tarcio Leal Pereira.pdf: 1176946 bytes, checksum: 559025b466d6a53a41f6bd21439841ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-16T17:24:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Tarcio Leal Pereira.pdf: 1176946 bytes, checksum: 559025b466d6a53a41f6bd21439841ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-28 / CAPES / The objective of this work is to dicuss the militant formation course Energy and Society in Contemporary Capitalism, offered by Urban and Reginal Research and Planning Institute of Rio de Janeiro Federal University (IPPUR/UFRJ). This study analyses the final works course of the Sim?n Bol?var Internationalist Class, looking for reflect about militant formation process developed by partnership between a Public University and Popular Social Organizations that make part of an international articulation called Via Campesina (Peasant way). This work considered the educative process as a ?preparation? because the students are aready school formers and militants experts in their organizations, receiving a complementar formation to make stronger their actions when they were back to original places. This research avalues that students final works reflect classes ministrated and living action of each one of them, becoming the reality expressed in the works as a result of all issues worked in the course / Pretende-se com esse trabalho refletir sobre o processo de prepara??o de militantes realizado no Curso de Extens?o/Especializa??o Energia e Sociedade no Capitalismo Contempor?neo, oferecido pelo Instituto de Pesquisa e Planejamento Urbano e Regional da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro. Analisando os trabalhos de conclus?o de curso da Turma Internacionalista Sim?n Bol?var, buscamos refletir a respeito do processo de prepara??o de militantes desenvolvido a partir da parceria entre uma universidade p?blica e diferentes organiza??es sociais populares que comp?em uma articula??o internacional denominada Via Campesina. Consideramos o processo educativo enquanto ?prepara??o?, uma vez que j? escolarizados e experientes na milit?ncia em suas organiza??es, os estudantes que integram esse curso recebem uma capacita??o complementar, a fim de potencializar suas a??es ao retornarem aos seus locais de origem. Avaliamos que os trabalhos de conclus?o desenvolvidos pelos estudantes refletem a soma dos conte?dos transmitidos nas aulas e desenvolvidos na viv?ncia e no estudo conduzido por eles, tonificando a realidade expressa nos trabalhos de acordo com a proposta do conjunto das disciplinas oferecidas no curso