Fundação de Apoio a Pesquisa e à Inovação Tecnológica do Estado de Sergipe - FAPITEC/SE / This study examines the process of emergence of black leaders in institutional governance spaces in Sergipe. Thus questioning about why these militants are in these areas and the conditions of access to them, the study not only shows the current scenario in which it operates racial politics in Sergipe, but also reflects on the dynamics of action, interaction and identity that black movements and government representatives trigger forward to these new joints. Although the investigative cut focus on the reality of the State of Sergipe, the study also aims to contribute to a broader reflection on the meaning of what is, for the state (governments) and civil society (black leaders), maintain a relationship of "partnership" and "consensus"; what are the real conditions of power faced by black leaders when they step into spheres of government; and what are the speeches and criteria triggered by the black movements and government representatives to defend the view that only blacks are the legitimate representatives of the black cause. Thus, the study has three main stages: first, an analysis of the narratives that advocate on the need for blacks represent blacks and thus step into the spheres of power; second, investigates the daily practices of "be in power" by checking the sites, forms and conditions for the participation of black militants in the institutional spheres; and third, it analyzes the process of fragmentation and disintegration of the promotional institutions of racial equality, causing disbelief of black activists in relation to the party and government spheres. At the end, we concluded that in the last ten years, black movements in Sergipe spent battling defenders, via governmental institution, to critics and disbelievers with it, seeking to remake its militancy based on a discourse of autonomy (party and institutional) and the specific direction for the race. / O presente estudo analisa o processo de emergência de lideranças negras nos espaços institucionais de governo em Sergipe. Assim, questionando sobre o porquê de estes militantes estarem nestes espaços e quais as condições de acesso aos mesmos, o estudo não só evidencia o atual cenário em que se insere a política racial em Sergipe, como também reflete sobre as dinâmicas de ação, interação e identidade que movimentos negros e representantes governamentais acionam frente a estas novas articulações. Apesar de o recorte investigativo concentrar-se sobre a realidade do Estado de Sergipe, o estudo pretende contribuir também para uma reflexão mais abrangente sobre o significado do que é, para o Estado (Governos) e a sociedade civil (lideranças negras), manter uma relação de “parceria” e “consenso”; de quais são as reais condições de poder encontradas pelas lideranças negras quando as mesmas adentram as esferas governamentais; e de quais são os discursos e critérios acionados pelos movimentos negros e por representantes governamentais para defenderem a perspectiva de que só os negros são os legítimos representantes da causa negra. Para tanto, o estudo apresenta três momentos principais: primeiro, uma análise das narrativas que advogam sobre a necessidade de negros representarem negros e, assim, adentrarem às esferas de poder; segundo, investiga as práticas cotidianas do “estar no poder”, verificando os locais, as formas e as condições de participação dos militantes negros nas esferas institucionais; e terceiro, analisa o processo de fragmentação e desestruturação das instituições de promoção da igualdade racial, acarretando a descrença dos militantes negros em relação às esferas partidárias e governamentais. Ao final, concluímos que, nos últimos dez anos, os movimentos negros em Sergipe passaram de defensores da luta, via instituição governamental, a críticos e descrentes para com a mesma, buscando refazer o seu militantismo com base em um discurso de autonomia (partidária e institucional) e o direcionamento específico para a questão racial

Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This study aims to analyze how the question of popular education builds and develops the political and social scene of the Sergipe state, comprising the different contexts and dynamics that made possible the composition of a scene of protests and engagement around the cause. As methodological theoretical framework, the study's emphasis on an analysis of the construction of the cause as a public problem, tying up the analysis of network relations and militant trajectories. Thus, research is developed from the 1960s to the 2000s, dividing into three stages: the first refers to the construction process of the cause, when are the first organizations around the same, as the MEB and the CPC. The second time sets up a "reframing cause" going to be a more strategic and political movement born in this context the CESEP, emerging new actors and new dynamics of the cause. Already in the 2000s, observed a "fragmentation of the case", it becomes incorporated with other agendas, particularly the solidarity economy. Thus, we see how different contexts formulate different networks relationship around the cause, being articulated personal and impersonal relations in alliances. We also observed that at first the relations pervade the work of the Church, as in the second time the relationships were more branched and heterogeneous. Beyond this perspective the research raises, from the militant trajectories, two profiles of careers around the cause: multiple religious and militant activism. This reinforces the argument of the influence of political and social contexts in social action dynamics. Thus, the study seeks to bring contributions to the field of sociology of social movements. Housed in an analysis that gives rise to the case studies, the actors involved and assigned meanings, the research raises questions to better understand the Sergipe and even Brazilian politics. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar como a questão da Educação Popular se constrói e se desenvolve na cena política e social do estado de Sergipe, compreendendo os diferentes contextos e dinâmicas que possibilitaram a composição de um cenário de mobilizações e engajamento em torno da causa. Como recorte teórico metodológico, o estudo dá ênfase a uma análise da construção da causa enquanto problema público, atrelando-se as análises de redes de relações e trajetórias militantes. Dessa forma, a pesquisa se desenvolve da década de 1960 ao ano 2000, dividindo-se em três momentos: o primeiro refere-se ao processo de construção da causa, quando surgem as primeiras organizações em torno da mesma, como o MEB e o CPC; o segundo configura uma “ressignificação da causa”, passando a ser um movimento mais político e estratégico de onde, nesse contexto, nasce o CESEP, surgindo novos atores e novas dinâmicas da causa. Já no ano 2000, observamos uma “fragmentação da causa”, a qual passa a ser incorporada a outras pautas, em especial a economia solidária. Dessa forma, observamos como diferentes contextos formulam diferentes redes de relação em torno da causa, sendo articuladas relações pessoais e impessoais nas alianças. Observamos ainda que, no primeiro momento, as relações perpassavam pela atuação da Igreja, enquanto que, no segundo momento, eram mais ramificadas e heterogêneas. Além dessa perspectiva, a pesquisa levanta, a partir das trajetórias militantes, dois perfis de carreiras em torno da causa: militância religiosa e a militância múltipla. Isso reforça o argumento da influência dos contextos políticos e sociais nas dinâmicas de atuação social. Dessa forma, o estudo busca trazer contribuições para o campo da sociologia dos movimentos sociais. Inserida numa análise que dá margem aos estudos de casos, aos atores envolvidos e significados atribuídos, a pesquisa levanta questões para melhor entendermos a política sergipana e, até mesmo, a brasileira.

À l’ère du militantisme digital, il est fréquent d’apercevoir des militants se placer en tant que porte parole sur différents champs de bataille au fil du temps. Dans ce contexte, la légitimité de leurs prises de position est questionnée par le tribunal médiatique. Là où certains dénoncent un opportunisme politique, nous avançons la thèse selon laquelle une multitude d’éléments peuvent motiver les changements de champs d’action militants visibles. C’est pourquoi la recherche présentée vise à mettre en lumière les processus influençant les transitions d’engagements militants au travers des mouvements sociaux protestataires. Pour ce faire, des entretiens semi-directifs ont été menés auprès de 8 militants alors actifs au sein de la mouvance opposée aux mesures sanitaires. Dans cette démarche, le récit des participants et un calendrier de vie ont été combinés dans un protocole d’enquête narrative biographique. Finalement, les données d'entretiens collectées ont été analysées à l'aide d'une méthode de théorisation ancrée s'appuyant sur un cadre théorique mobilisant la perspective du parcours de vie. Cette méthode a permis de montrer que les expériences influençant les trajectoires militantes diffèrent selon les modalités de transitions ; c’est-à-dire selon si elle s’effectue entre des groupes contestataires au sein d’un même mouvement, ou entre des mouvements défendant des causes différentes. Les résultats ont montré que les transitions d’engagements entre groupes contestataires peuvent être influencées par des insatisfactions liées aux stratégies d’actions ; alors que les transitions d’engagement actif entre deux mouvements protestataires peuvent être expliquées, soit (a) par un cumul d’engagement survenu suite à l’apparition d’un événement imprévu induisant une priorité d’action, soit (b) par une stratégie visant à faire perdurer les rétributions de la carrière militante au moment du déclin du mouvement alors investi. Par ailleurs, ce projet de recherche contribue plus généralement à expliquer les expériences ayant motivé des transitions d’engagements militants selon les propos des acteurs de cet objet d’études, dont 5 leaders du mouvement opposé aux mesures sanitaires. / In the age of digital activism, it's common to see activists positioning themselves as spokespersons on different battlefields over time. In this context, the legitimacy of their positions is questioned by the media tribunal. Where some denounce political opportunism, we put forward the thesis that a multitude of elements can motivate visible changes in activist fields of action. For this reason, the research presented here aims to shed light on the processes influencing transitions in activist commitment through social protest movements. To this end, semi-directive interviews were conducted with 8 activists then active within the movement opposed to health measures. In this approach, the participants' narratives and a life calendar were combined in a biographical narrative survey protocol. Finally, the interview data collected were analyzed using a grounded theorizing method based on a theoretical framework mobilizing the life-course perspective. This method enabled us to show that the course influencing militant trajectories differs according to the modalities of transitions, i.e. whether they take place between protest groups within the same movement, or between movements defending different causes. The results show that transitions of commitment between protest groups can be influenced by dissatisfaction with action strategies ; whereas transitions of active commitment between two protest movements can be explained either (a) by an accumulation of commitment following the appearance of an unforeseen event inducing a priority for action, or (b) by a strategy aimed at maintaining the rewards of the activist career at the time of the decline of the movement then invested. In addition, this research project contributes more generally to explaining the experiences that motivated militant transitions in activist commitments according to the words of the actors in this object of study, including 5 leaders of the movement opposed to health measures.

Vollst. zugl.: Hannover, Univ., Diss., 2007 u.d.T.: Kritidis, Gregor: Sozialistische Opposition zwischen Luftbrücke und Mauerbau

A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteurs. / Through various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors.

A segunda onda do Movimento Feminista no Brasil emergiu em um contexto de combate à Ditadura. E surgiu em São Paulo como possibilidade de reforçar mais uma frente de luta contra o governo militar. Mas o feminismo ainda era uma novidade pouco conhecida até por aquelas que se declaravam como feministas. Era rechaçado pelos segmentos mais conservadores da sociedade, mas também pelos militantes da Esquerda revolucionária. Estes o consideravam fora de tempo e lugar. Ao impulsionar o movimento social, o feminismo no Brasil reapareceu em meados da década de 70 enfrentando a questão do poder externamente, na sociedade e no Estado, e internamente, no próprio Movimento de Mulheres. Os vários grupos que compunham o campo em que se afirmava o feminismo disputavam o controle do Movimento de acordo com os referenciais tradicionais de poder. E, ao mesmo tempo, buscavam alternativas de gestão do movimento que fugissem daqueles modelos. Ora porque assim as circunstâncias impunham, ora porque assumiam as críticas elaboradas pelo feminismo à natureza patriarcal e autoritária do poder tradicional. As contradições que o Movimento de Mulheres abrigou punham em jogo as posições de todas as suas ativistas, inclusive das próprias feministas. Fazia com que reexaminassem os seus papéis sociais e constatassem as suas condições de oprimidas. Construir as identidades feministas significava romper com os cânones estabelecidos para o ser mulher que haviam aprendido. Assim como implicava assumir-se como sujeito de suas lutas. / The second wave of the Feminist Movement in Brazil emerged in the context of fighting the Dictatorship. And it arose in São Paulo as a possibility to further enhance a battle front against the military government. Yet feminism was still a little known novelty even by those who declared themselves as feminists. It was rejected by the more conservative segments of the society, and also by supporters of the revolutionary Left, who regarded feminism as out of place and time. By propelling the social movement, feminism reemerged in Brazil in the midseventies facing the issue of power both externally, regarding the society and the state, and internally, inside the Women\'s Movement. The various groups comprising the field where feminism was grounded vied for control of the Movement in accordance with traditional references of power. At the same time, those groups sought alternatives to manage the movement, thus trying to escape from those conventional models. And this was because either the circumstances imposed, or because the groups adopted the Feminisms critique regarding the authoritarian and patriarchal nature of traditional power. The contradictions harbored by the Women\'s Movement put at stake the position of all its activists, including the feminists themselves. They were led to re-examine their social roles and to face their condition of oppressed beings. Building feminist identities meant breaking with the established canons that they have learned regarding what is to be a woman. The construction of the feminist identity also meant to become the subject of their own struggles.

A segunda onda do Movimento Feminista no Brasil emergiu em um contexto de combate à Ditadura. E surgiu em São Paulo como possibilidade de reforçar mais uma frente de luta contra o governo militar. Mas o feminismo ainda era uma novidade pouco conhecida até por aquelas que se declaravam como feministas. Era rechaçado pelos segmentos mais conservadores da sociedade, mas também pelos militantes da Esquerda revolucionária. Estes o consideravam fora de tempo e lugar. Ao impulsionar o movimento social, o feminismo no Brasil reapareceu em meados da década de 70 enfrentando a questão do poder externamente, na sociedade e no Estado, e internamente, no próprio Movimento de Mulheres. Os vários grupos que compunham o campo em que se afirmava o feminismo disputavam o controle do Movimento de acordo com os referenciais tradicionais de poder. E, ao mesmo tempo, buscavam alternativas de gestão do movimento que fugissem daqueles modelos. Ora porque assim as circunstâncias impunham, ora porque assumiam as críticas elaboradas pelo feminismo à natureza patriarcal e autoritária do poder tradicional. As contradições que o Movimento de Mulheres abrigou punham em jogo as posições de todas as suas ativistas, inclusive das próprias feministas. Fazia com que reexaminassem os seus papéis sociais e constatassem as suas condições de oprimidas. Construir as identidades feministas significava romper com os cânones estabelecidos para o ser mulher que haviam aprendido. Assim como implicava assumir-se como sujeito de suas lutas. / The second wave of the Feminist Movement in Brazil emerged in the context of fighting the Dictatorship. And it arose in São Paulo as a possibility to further enhance a battle front against the military government. Yet feminism was still a little known novelty even by those who declared themselves as feminists. It was rejected by the more conservative segments of the society, and also by supporters of the revolutionary Left, who regarded feminism as out of place and time. By propelling the social movement, feminism reemerged in Brazil in the midseventies facing the issue of power both externally, regarding the society and the state, and internally, inside the Women\'s Movement. The various groups comprising the field where feminism was grounded vied for control of the Movement in accordance with traditional references of power. At the same time, those groups sought alternatives to manage the movement, thus trying to escape from those conventional models. And this was because either the circumstances imposed, or because the groups adopted the Feminisms critique regarding the authoritarian and patriarchal nature of traditional power. The contradictions harbored by the Women\'s Movement put at stake the position of all its activists, including the feminists themselves. They were led to re-examine their social roles and to face their condition of oppressed beings. Building feminist identities meant breaking with the established canons that they have learned regarding what is to be a woman. The construction of the feminist identity also meant to become the subject of their own struggles.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation analyzes the forms of organization of the student movements of the UFS during the period 2000 to 2015. This is more particularly investigate how organizational models and repertoires used by student leaders and the Central Directory of Students former presidents are related changes in political, social networks these actors and individual engagement logic. Dialoguing with a theoretical framework that investigates the organizational dynamics, this study aimed to understand the relationship between the individual engagement, social networks and the choice of certain organizational models and repertoires used by different 13 managements DCE / UFS during the investigated period. Breaking with approaches that analyze the individual engagement as a streamlined and co-option process, we used theories and concepts that comprise procedural and relational forms the engagement of individual actors in multiple spaces of political activism. Thus, we investigated the previous relationship networks, the different spaces of socialization, life experiences and also the changes in the political context that factors which influenced the construction of the organizational models used by managements investigated. The empirical universe considered are the student movements that are organized at the Federal University of Sergipe. To account of the issues raised, this work is divided into four parts: the first is to analyze, from the desk research, the emergency conditions of the University Student Movement in Sergipe, the causes defended, organizational repertoires used and the student movements, between the period 1950 and 1999, focusing mainly in the 1980s and 1990s; the second part examines based on questionnaires and the method previously mentioned, the profile of students who are active, focusing mainly on the militant and political itinerary. Also, investigates three significant areas: the CAs, the Student Assemblies and the CEB's; the third part deals with the process of formation and performance of a DCE management, and how this process mobilizes interpersonal networks of leaders and a political dispute over this space that goes beyond the walls of the University; the fourth part discusses the militants careers of DCE former presidents in the last 15 years, whereas the social origin, the multiple engagements and socialization processes and identification with militancy influenced the transformation of the organizational models used by them. This thesis has allowed to show that the organizational models used is directly linked to changes in the political context, the multiple engagement and the construction of dense social networks and socialization processes that promote continuity in militancy. It also shows that the relationship between student movements and political parties, is both confrontational and conciliatory in the face of financial interests, electoral and representative of both parties. In addition, this paper argues that the engagement of activists and student leaders in political parties stems from a personal and professional identification process of the actors themselves, as they make the associative militancy and partisan a life project. / Esta dissertação analisa os modelos de organização dos movimentos estudantis da UFS durante o período de 2000 a 2015. Trata-se de investigar mais particularmente como os modelos e repertórios organizacionais utilizados por lideranças estudantis e pelos ex-presidentes do Diretório Central dos Estudantes estão relacionados com mudanças no contexto político, as redes sociais desses atores e as lógicas de engajamento individual. Dialogando com um referencial teórico que investiga as dinâmicas organizacionais, o presente trabalho teve como principal objetivo compreender a relação entre o engajamento individual, as redes sociais e a escolha de determinados modelos e repertórios organizacionais utilizados por 13 diferentes gestões do DCE/UFS, durante o período investigado. Rompendo com abordagens que analisam o engajamento individual como um processo racionalizado e de cooptação, lançamos mão de teorias e conceitos que compreendem de forma processual e relacional o engajamento individual dos atores em múltiplos espaços de militância política. Desse modo, investigamos as redes de relações prévias, os diferentes espaços de socialização, as experiências de vida e também as transformações no contexto político, como elementos que influenciaram na construção dos modelos de organização utilizados pelas gestões investigadas. O universo empírico considerado são os movimentos estudantis que se organizam na Universidade Federal de Sergipe. Para dar conta das questões suscitadas, esse trabalho divide-se em quatro partes: a primeira trata de analisar, a partir da pesquisa documental, as condições de emergência do Movimento Estudantil Universitário em Sergipe, as causas defendidas, os repertórios organizacionais utilizados e os movimentos estudantis entre o período de 1950 e 1999, focando principalmente nas décadas de 1980 e 1990; a segunda parte examina, com base na aplicação de questionários e do método anteriormente citado, o perfil dos estudantes que militam, tendo como foco principal o itinerário militante e político. Além disso, investiga três espaços significativos: os CAs, as Assembleias Estudantis e os CEBs; a terceira parte aborda o processo de formação e atuação de uma gestão do DCE, e como tal processo mobiliza as redes interpessoais das lideranças e uma disputa política em torno desse espaço que extrapola os muros da Universidade; a quarta parte problematiza as carreiras militantes dos ex-presidentes do DCE nos últimos 15 anos, considerando que a origem social, os múltiplos engajamentos e os processos de socialização e de identificação com a militância influenciaram na transformação dos modelos de organização utilizados por eles. Esta dissertação permitiu mostrar que os modelos de organização utilizados está diretamente ligado a mudanças no contexto político, ao múltiplo engajamento e a construção de redes sociais densas e processos de socialização que promovem a continuidade na militância. Revela ainda que as relações entre movimentos estudantis e partidos políticos é, ao mesmo tempo, conflituosa e conciliadora diante dos interesses financeiros, eleitorais e representativos de ambas as partes. Além disso, este trabalho afirma que o engajamento dos militantes e lideranças estudantis em partidos políticos resulta de um processo de identificação pessoal e profissional dos próprios atores, em que estes tornam a militância associativa e partidária um projeto de vida.