This thesis aims to contribute to an understanding of how citizenship is constructed, sensed and practiced by people who have experienced violent conflict and displacement. In the Acholi region of Uganda, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) created large-scale insecurity and mass-displacement between the late 1980s until the region returned to stability in 2006. In this thesis I compare two conflict-affected locations in the Acholi region with one non-affected location in Lango region. The overall proposition of this study is that the experience of protracted conflict and displacement leads to a lack of a sense of citizenship and to diminished forms of citizen engagement, due to the limited opportunity for learning and experiencing the practice of citizenship. I used qualitative research methods during ten months of fieldwork in 2010. For an analysis of people's sense of citizenship, I studied how people perceive and feel themselves to be members of the wider political community; as members of the Acholi tribe and as citizens of Uganda. For the analysis of the practice of citizenship I studied various forms of citizen engagement: with local authorities, in community institutions, for development and for accountability purposes. Numerous challenges to citizen participation exist across Uganda. These include a lack of knowledge about the system and lack of self-confidence, barriers associated with the micropolitics of participation, and democratic deficits of the overall political system. However, underlying reasons for non-participation can vary. In Acholi, some of these reasons are attributable to people's experiences during the war. I conclude that protracted conflict diminishes a sense of citizenship and radically changes the social environment in which active citizenship is learnt, through the narrowing and securitisation of institutions and the public sphere. The sense and practice that exist in the post-conflict situation are therefore characterised by certain ideas, perceptions, emotions and behaviours that were developed during the conflict.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-09-21T13:46:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 moacyrmaiagitirana.pdf: 2427517 bytes, checksum: 6320532b1df36670d69bdfddf8e24f8f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-09-26T20:26:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 moacyrmaiagitirana.pdf: 2427517 bytes, checksum: 6320532b1df36670d69bdfddf8e24f8f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-26T20:26:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 moacyrmaiagitirana.pdf: 2427517 bytes, checksum: 6320532b1df36670d69bdfddf8e24f8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-07-09 / Este trabalho se baseia na teoria da “construção social da realidade”, de Peter Berger e Thomas Luckmann. Eles mostram como as ciências sociais têm de lidar com uma realidade que tem relação dialética com o conhecimento que temos sobre ela, então, para entender a realidade social, temos que entender como o próprio conhecimento é produzido e adquirido. Esta teoria deve ser adequada a um estudo de caso especial de construção social da mentalidade militar no Brasil. Para este estudo, considerou-se uma escola militar, e para se ter uma concepção básica da mentalidade militar, a obra clássica de Samuel Huntington, com um tipo ideal daquela mentalidade, é levada em conta. Esta descrição é comparada com a ética militar prescrita no Exército Brasileiro. Depois de revisar a teoria de Berger & Luckmann, apresenta-se uma descrição de como uma escola constrói a mentalidade militar típica. Pretende-se que este trabalho seja um teste para a teoria do construtivismo num caso real, particular de pesquisa de campo. / This work is based upon the theory of “the social construction of reality”, by Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann. They show how social sciences have to deal with a reality which has a dialectic relation with the knowledge we have about it, so, to understand the social reality, we have to understand how knowledge itself is produced and acquired. This theory should fit a special case study of social construction of the military mind in Brazil. To this study, a military school is considered, and to have a basic conception of the military mind, the classical work of Samuel Huntington, with an ideal type of that mind, is taken into account. This description is compared with the military ethic prescribed in the Brazilian Army. After Berger & Luckmann‟s theory is reviewed, a description of how a school constructs the typical military mind is provided. This work is intended to be a test to constructivism theory in a real, particular case of a field research.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho analisa o discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares brasileiros. Tomo como ponto de partida a compreensÃo de que a naÃÃo, ao se firmar como a comunidade padrÃo da civilizaÃÃo moderna nos Ãltimos dois sÃculos, impulsionou o desenvolvimento cientÃfico e tecnolÃgico, tendo a figura do militar à frente nesses avanÃos. A Engenharia Militar incorpora uma elite tÃcnica e intelectual, historicamente envolvida na construÃÃo de uma naÃÃo moderna e soberana. Concentro-me no Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) e nas instituiÃÃes que o precederam, formando desde o sÃculo XIX engenheiros e tÃcnicos militares de nÃvel superior no Brasil. Analiso a percepÃÃo da naÃÃo brasileira revelada no discurso de comandantes e generais que tiveram ligaÃÃo com esta instituiÃÃo. / This work examines the speech of nationalist military engineers. I take as a starting point the understanding that the nation, reaching as the default community of modern civilization in the last two centuries, boosted the scientific and technological development, taking the figure of military ahead in these advances. Military Engineering incorporates technical and intellectual elite, historically involved in building a modern and sovereign nation. I focus the Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) and the institutions before it, which since the 19th century formed engineers and high level technicians in Brazil. I look at the perception of Brazilian nation revealed in the speeches of commanders and generals of this institution.

No description available.

This thesis offers a critical feminist reading of the war in Afghanistan, from invasion, through the practice of counterinsurgency, to the training of the Afghan National Army as a central part of NATO's exit strategy. Empirically it focuses on the discourses, policies and practices of the US and Norwegian militaries in Afghanistan. It draws on a range of material including military doctrine and policy, parliamentary discussions, public policy documents, interviews, political statements and soldiers' memoirs. Deploying the theoretical framework of performative gender with an emphasis on embodiment, it shows how particular gendered bodies are called into being and how the distinct practices of war in Afghanistan produce and rely on a series of multiple, fluid and, at times, contradictory performances of masculinity and femininity. It demonstrates how gendered performances should not be considered superfluous, but rather integral to the practices of war. It illustrates this, first, by examining the production of the (in) visible ‘body in the burqa' alongside the ‘protective masculinity' of Western politicians in the legitimation of the invasion; second, through the ‘soldier-­‐scholars', ‘warriors' and the Female Engagement Teams (FETs) in practices of ‘population­‐centric' counterinsurgency, examining the ways in which counterinsurgency is a gendered and embodied practice; and third, through the remaking of the fledgling Afghan National Army (ANA) recruits in the NATO exit strategy. The thesis furthers feminist studies on gender and war in International Relations by emphasising the multiplicity of gendered bodies and performances by problematizing singular notions of masculinity and femininity. It contributes to existing literature that reads the war in Afghanistan as a neocolonial and biopolitical practice, enhancing these readings by paying attention to the gendering of bodies and their performances, thereby expanding critical investigations into late modern ways of war and counterinsurgency.

This thesis presents the results of an exploratory study aimed at developing an understanding of Canadian Forces demographics and linking those demographics to current bodies of sociological theory. The background and literature review provide a starting point for sociological analysis; the study begins with a detailed review of existing literature in Canadian and United States military sociology, utilizing an exploratory approach that incorporates key elements from Bourdieus concepts of field and habitus, Habermass lifeworld and structure, and Giddenss notion of structuration. Once the key sociological theories are isolated, research methods and methodologies are developed. Data are collected from the 2006 Canada Census and the demographics of Canadian Forces members are explored through a logistic regression model. Data are interpreted within a sociological framework based on an integration of select theories from Bourdieu, Habermas and Giddens. This research identifies weak relationships between demographic characteristics and CF membership, along with socioeconomic factors and Canadian Forces membership. The completed research provides a starting point for future analyses in Canadian military sociology. Given that demographic and socioeconomic factors demonstrate weak correlation with Canadian Forces membership, future studies can focus on the motivations of Canadian Forces members knowing that background characteristics do not predetermine service. Although the Canadian Forces is primarily composed of Caucasian males, this accounts for only a small portion of variance in the Canadian Forces membership variable.

This thesis presents the results of an exploratory study aimed at developing an understanding of Canadian Forces demographics and linking those demographics to current bodies of sociological theory. The background and literature review provide a starting point for sociological analysis; the study begins with a detailed review of existing literature in Canadian and United States military sociology, utilizing an exploratory approach that incorporates key elements from Bourdieus concepts of field and habitus, Habermass lifeworld and structure, and Giddenss notion of structuration. Once the key sociological theories are isolated, research methods and methodologies are developed. Data are collected from the 2006 Canada Census and the demographics of Canadian Forces members are explored through a logistic regression model. Data are interpreted within a sociological framework based on an integration of select theories from Bourdieu, Habermas and Giddens. This research identifies weak relationships between demographic characteristics and CF membership, along with socioeconomic factors and Canadian Forces membership. The completed research provides a starting point for future analyses in Canadian military sociology. Given that demographic and socioeconomic factors demonstrate weak correlation with Canadian Forces membership, future studies can focus on the motivations of Canadian Forces members knowing that background characteristics do not predetermine service. Although the Canadian Forces is primarily composed of Caucasian males, this accounts for only a small portion of variance in the Canadian Forces membership variable.

Le rôle de la communauté militaire internationale dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) s’est profondément transformé depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. En effet, elle intervient de plus en plus fréquemment dans des guerres civiles ou intra-étatiques, particulièrement lorsque les autorités en place ne sont plus en mesure d’assurer la sécurité de la population. Par ailleurs, le rôle des militaires ne se limite plus à la fonction traditionnelle de combattants. Ils doivent maintenant assumer des tâches qui visent beaucoup plus le développement de relations avec la population civile dont la coopération est un élément essentiel à la réussite de ce type d’intervention. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’opinion de la population civile de la région de Bihać par rapport à l’intervention des militaires dans le cadre de l’OMP en Bosnie-Herzégovine. L’historique du conflit dans cette région, l’état des connaissances sur les sources d’insatisfaction de la population par rapport au déroulement des OMP en général, ainsi que des entrevues avec des informateurs-clés nous permettent d’identifier deux problématiques distinctes, soit : (1) l’écart important entre les attentes et les besoins de la population et le mandat confié par l’ONU; et (2) la dichotomie entre la formation de base des militaires et ce qui est attendu d’eux dans le cadre de ces interventions. / The role of the international military community in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs) has been transformed dramatically since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the community is called to intervene more and more frequently in civil wars, especially when local authorities in the country are no longer able to guarantee citizens’ safety. Furthermore, the role of the military is no longer limited to traditional combat. It must now undertake tasks aimed at developing a relationship with the civilian population whose cooperation is essential for the success of this type of intervention. The goal of this thesis is to examine the opinions of the civilian population from the Bihać area with respect to the military intervention as part of the PKO in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The history of the conflict, the state of knowledge about the sources of dissatisfaction of the population during PKOs, and interviews with expert witnesses enable us to identify two distinct issues: (1) the large gap between the expectations and the needs of civilians and the mandate given by UN, and (2) the insufficient training of militaries as regards what is expected from them during these operations.

Le rôle de la communauté militaire internationale dans le cadre des opérations de maintien de la paix (OMP) s’est profondément transformé depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. En effet, elle intervient de plus en plus fréquemment dans des guerres civiles ou intra-étatiques, particulièrement lorsque les autorités en place ne sont plus en mesure d’assurer la sécurité de la population. Par ailleurs, le rôle des militaires ne se limite plus à la fonction traditionnelle de combattants. Ils doivent maintenant assumer des tâches qui visent beaucoup plus le développement de relations avec la population civile dont la coopération est un élément essentiel à la réussite de ce type d’intervention. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’opinion de la population civile de la région de Bihać par rapport à l’intervention des militaires dans le cadre de l’OMP en Bosnie-Herzégovine. L’historique du conflit dans cette région, l’état des connaissances sur les sources d’insatisfaction de la population par rapport au déroulement des OMP en général, ainsi que des entrevues avec des informateurs-clés nous permettent d’identifier deux problématiques distinctes, soit : (1) l’écart important entre les attentes et les besoins de la population et le mandat confié par l’ONU; et (2) la dichotomie entre la formation de base des militaires et ce qui est attendu d’eux dans le cadre de ces interventions. / The role of the international military community in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs) has been transformed dramatically since the end of the Cold War. Indeed, the community is called to intervene more and more frequently in civil wars, especially when local authorities in the country are no longer able to guarantee citizens’ safety. Furthermore, the role of the military is no longer limited to traditional combat. It must now undertake tasks aimed at developing a relationship with the civilian population whose cooperation is essential for the success of this type of intervention. The goal of this thesis is to examine the opinions of the civilian population from the Bihać area with respect to the military intervention as part of the PKO in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The history of the conflict, the state of knowledge about the sources of dissatisfaction of the population during PKOs, and interviews with expert witnesses enable us to identify two distinct issues: (1) the large gap between the expectations and the needs of civilians and the mandate given by UN, and (2) the insufficient training of militaries as regards what is expected from them during these operations.

MOREIRA, Luís Gustavo Guerreiro. O Discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares. 2008. 102f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-29T11:09:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-29T15:01:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-29T15:01:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Luis Gustavo Guerreiro Moreira.pdf: 591296 bytes, checksum: f7b33e2f0e1dcb59aab7200565aef22d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / This work examines the speech of nationalist military engineers. I take as a starting point the understanding that the nation, reaching as the default community of modern civilization in the last two centuries, boosted the scientific and technological development, taking the figure of military ahead in these advances. Military Engineering incorporates technical and intellectual elite, historically involved in building a modern and sovereign nation. I focus the Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) and the institutions before it, which since the 19th century formed engineers and high level technicians in Brazil. I look at the perception of Brazilian nation revealed in the speeches of commanders and generals of this institution. / Este trabalho analisa o discurso nacionalista dos engenheiros militares brasileiros. Tomo como ponto de partida a compreensão de que a nação, ao se firmar como a comunidade padrão da civilização moderna nos últimos dois séculos, impulsionou o desenvolvimento científico e tecnológico, tendo a figura do militar à frente nesses avanços. A Engenharia Militar incorpora uma elite técnica e intelectual, historicamente envolvida na construção de uma nação moderna e soberana. Concentro-me no Instituto Militar de Engenharia (IME) e nas instituições que o precederam, formando desde o século XIX engenheiros e técnicos militares de nível superior no Brasil. Analiso a percepção da nação brasileira revelada no discurso de comandantes e generais que tiveram ligação com esta instituição.