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A Scientific Way of War: Antebellum Military Science, West Point, and the Origins of American Military ThoughtHOPE, IAN CLARENCE 29 July 2011 (has links)
This dissertation examines what constituted 19th century American military science, why it was framed within government policy and taught within the United States Military Academy, and how it became the early American way of war. The work uses as evidence a wide array of documents including biographical records of 2046 West Point graduates. It commences by explaining how military science has been reduced to near oblivion by two revisionist schools, the first regarding the lack of military professionalism in the antebellum army, and the second regarding how Swiss military theorist Antoine Jomini held a stranglehold over antebellum military thought. This dissertation challenges these interpretations. It tracks the evolution of military science from Enlightenment Europe to the United States during American Revolution and its relative obscurity until after the War of 1812. It then explains why a deliberate decision was made to transplant a French Napoleonic version of military science to serve as the curriculum of the military academy and to support the formulation of a national defence policy that called for militarized coastal frontiers and an “expansible army.” The work then follows how and why military science was modified during the period 1820-1860 in response to changes to the threats to the United States, changes related to state and federal plans for “internal improvements,” Indian wars, westward expansion, war with Mexico, and advances in military technology. Specifically it tracks how the doctrine of military science expanded from the teaching of specific Napoleonic applications to embrace subjects needed for war in North America. Inculcation in this American military science eventually came to provide the army with an officer corps that shared a common all-arms doctrine and common skill in using mathematics for military problem-solving. The majority of long-service graduates went on to spend years of their career fulfilling general staff, engineering, or academy instructor duties. The proliferation of military science through their work, and through published texts available to state volunteers, ensured that on the eve of the Civil War there existed a distinctly American, and scientific, way of war. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-07-28 18:19:10.639
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A SCIENTIFIC WAY OF WAR: ANTEBELLUM MILITARY SCIENCE, WEST POINT, AND THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN MILITARY THOUGHTHOPE, IAN CLARENCE 18 July 2012 (has links)
This work examines what constituted 19th century American military science, why it was framed within government policy and taught within the United States Military Academy, and how it became the early American way of war. The work uses as evidence a wide array of documents including biographical records of 2046 West Point graduates. It tracks the evolution of military science from Enlightenment Europe to the United States during the American Revolution and its relative obscurity until after the War of 1812. It then explains why a deliberate decision was made to transplant a French Napoleonic version of military science to serve as the curriculum of the military academy and to support the formulation of a national defense policy that called for militarized coastal frontiers and an “expansible army.” The work then follows how and why military science was modified during the period 1820-1860 in response to changes to the threats to the United States, changes related to state and federal plans for “internal improvements,” Indian wars, westward expansion, war with Mexico, and advances in military technology. Specifically it tracks how the doctrine of military science evolved from the teaching of specific Napoleonic applications to embrace subjects needed for war in North America. Inculcation in this American military science eventually came to provide the army with an officer corps that shared a common all-arms doctrine and common skill in using mathematics for military problem-solving. The majority of long-service graduates went on to spend years of their career fulfilling general staff, engineering, or academy instructor functions. The proliferation of military science through their work, and through published texts available to state volunteers, ensured that on the eve of the Civil War there existed a distinctly American, and scientific, way of war. This work challenges two late 20th century liberal arts revisionist schools, championed by Samuel Huntington and Russell Weigley, that have unfairly reduced military science to near oblivion. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2012-05-28 10:47:55.375
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The Duality of Tactical Thought : A Study of how Swedish Land Forces’ Commanders view Tactics in Irregular WarfareGustafson, Michael January 2014 (has links)
This is a sociological study of the views of officers in the Swedish Army and its Amphibious Forces on tactics in Irregular Warfare (IW), in particular, Counterinsurgency (COIN). IW comprises struggles, where the military weaker part uses an indirect approach with smaller units and integrates the civilian and military dimensions in a violence spectrum including subversion, terrorism, Guerrilla Warfare and infantry actions. IW is the main armed warfare style in insurgencies. COIN is the combined political, military, economic, social and legal actions in counter insurgencies. Data has been collected by means of interviews with almost all (n =43) officers, who were either commanding battalions or rifle and manoeuvre companies while undergoing training for general warfare and international operations. The main theoretical and methodological inspiration is the traditional one for research on social fields, inaugurated by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. The statistical technique used is Multiple Correspondence Analysis. As a background and context base, an inquiry inspired by the Begriffsgechichte (Conceptual History) tradition explores the genesis and development of understandings of the term Irregular Warfare. The research question is outlined as; “how can contemporary Swedish military thought on tactics in Irregular Warfare be characterized using descriptive patterns, mapped in relation to background factors and normative standards? The most significant findings are that there are two main opposing notions separating the officers’ views on tactics in Irregular Warfare: (1) a focus on larger, combat oriented and collectively operating military units versus smaller and larger, more intelligence oriented and dispersed operating units, and (2) a focus on military tasks and kinetic effects versus military and civilian tasks as well as “soft” effects. The distribution of these views can be presented as a two-dimensional space structured by the two axes. This space represents four categories of tactics, partly diverging from normative military standards for Counterinsurgency. This social space of standpoints shows different structural tendencies for background factors of social and cultural character, particularly dominant concerning military backgrounds, international mission experiences and civilian education. Compared to military standards for Counterinsurgency, the two tactical types characterized by a Regular Warfare mind-set stands out as counter-normative. Signs of creative thought on military practice and theory, as well as a still persistent Regular Warfare doxa are apparent. Power struggles might thus develop, effecting the transformation to a broadened warfare culture with an enhanced focus also on Irregular Warfare. The result does not support research results arguing for a convergence of military thought in the European transformation of Armed Forces. The main argument goes beyond tactics and suggests sociological analysis on reciprocal effects regarding strategy, operational art, tactics as well as leadership, concerning the mind-set and preferences for Regular, Irregular and Hybrid Warfare.
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Os limites e desafios do pensamento militar brasileiro em relação à questão ambiental / The limits and challenges to the Brazilian military in relation to the environmental questionAndrade Júnior, Hermes de January 2005 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2005 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sergio Arouca. Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil. / Neste trabalho, nos dedicamos a investigar a relação entre a instituição militar
brasileira e a questão ambiental no Brasil, mediante pesquisa exploratória e avaliativa,
onde optamos por metodologias qualitativas variadas para a verificação e ampliação do
entendimento do pensamento militar. Usamos a triangulação metodológica compondo a
partir das técnicas do estudo de caso, entrevista exploratória e análise de conteúdo dos
documentos coletados. Analisamos os currículos da Academia Militar das Agulhas
Negras, do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva à busca de evidências ambientais.
Escolhemos o Clube Militar e a Escola Superior de Guerra para apreender o pensamento
militar sobre as questões ambientais, com ênfase do olhar para a Amazônia. No Clube
Militar, foram analisados 62 artigos existentes na Revista do Clube Militar no período de
1980-2000 em que vários articulistas generais, coronéis, sócios e convidados escreveram
sobre o tema Amazônia, com a finalidade de: (1) ampliar a compreensão sobre o
pensamento militar como um todo; (2) identificar a que tendência ambiental se associaria
cada artigo (antropocêntrica ou ecocêntrica) e (3) ver como se comportaria a tese
majoritária, observada preliminarmente dentre o segmento militar, de que há ameaças
deliberadas de internacionalização da Amazônia. Posteriormente, procurando fazer uma
análise temática, selecionamos mais de 40 monografias e publicações da Escola Superior
de Guerra. Mantivemos o corte temporal de 1980-2000, que coincide com os primórdios
das discussões ambientais no Brasil e procuramos dialogar com a literatura o emitido pela
fonte.
Em geral, grande parte da coletividade militar expressa a idéia de um meio
ambiente exclusivamente brasileiro, revelando incompleta formação de seus quadros
quanto à problemática ambiental e uma postura de afirmação da soberania nacional nos
moldes da doutrina de segurança nacional aplicada aos tratos ambientais, que é
materializada pela crença hegemônica na ameaça da internacionalização da Amazônia.
Em face dos valores e de sua cultura organizacional, as manifestações do
segmento militar em prol de ações ecológicas estão orientadas por uma racionalidade
distinta daquela na qual se apóia o pensamento ambiental. A cultura organizacional
militar tende a influir negativamente no desempenho militar em relação ao meio
ambiente. As conseqüências disso são o cumprimento de missões que tendem a
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menosprezar os delicados meandros da prática de conservação e de preservação
ambientais.
A mínima inclusão de assuntos ambientais em currículos de escolas militares e a
falta de prática em assuntos ambientais trazem dificuldades para que militares conheçam,
interpretem e decidam acertadamente sobre aspectos ambientais dos seus papéis e lides
profissionais.
Ainda assim, organizações militares podem apresentar contribuições aos
interesses ambientais, mesmo que por motivações e pressupostos distintos, em razão de
que as táticas militares empregadas na área de floresta úmida incentivam um cuidado com
a liberação de resíduos e um bom relacionamento com a população regional. Alguns
casos de adestramento de militares, como o do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva,
oferecem contribuições originais à educação ambiental. Isso se faz importante para a
interlocução com outras entidades científicas e organizações sociais que já desenvolvem
trabalhos na temática ambiental e que provavelmente interagirão em qualquer projeto de
monitoramento e de manejo em que militares venham a participar.
O pensamento militar brasileiro tende a articular-se dentro do conceito de
“segurança ambiental” e de afastar-se do da “segurança ecológica”. Isso poderá afetar as
complexas relações ecossistêmicas e sociais e comprometer com ações antrópicas e
profissionais a biodiversidade no Brasil.
Além de provocarem significativos impactos ambientais nos tempos de guerra, as
atividades militares nos períodos sem guerra também são ambientalmente degradantes. Se
os militares não estão lutando nas guerras, estão qualificando-se e adestrando-se para a
próxima guerra. Teremos, ao aceitar a força armada, um estado de continuidade dos
conflitos de baixa intensidade com impactos ambientais cumulativos, que incluem o uso e
a degradação da terra, a poluição e o uso do espaço aéreo e marítimo, o uso da energia e
recursos materiais e a geração de resíduos tóxicos. Como vimos, os militares, em suas
atividades específicas, algumas vezes podem trazer vantagens para a conservação e
restauração ambientais. Algumas porções de terra sob jurisdição militar são mais bem
cuidadas pela contenção do cinturão de isolamento como área militar do que pela
devolução ao poder público quando não sensibilizado com as questões ambientais em
seus procedimentos diários.
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No caso do Brasil, a ocupação do território possui marcas da presença do exército
por toda a parte e em algumas localidades é o “quartel” o maior provedor de
oportunidades diretas e indiretas, até hoje. Como não estamos em guerra, os efeitos
nocivos observados pela longa permanência de unidades americanas no exterior, usando
terras de outros países não se aplicaria ao Brasil e da mesma forma o impacto social
recorrente a isso.
Recomendando que as instituições militares tenham cuidado com seus próprios
impactos ambientais, existem outros nichos de atuação para os militares. Os militares
podem ajudar no reforço de atividades ambientais padronizadas, podem colaborar com
suas agências de inteligência no monitoramento e na coleta de informações sobre
degradação ambiental e podem ajudar em papéis não violentos de conservação e
restauração. Sabemos que o problema de utilizar os militares nessa atividade é que isso
possibilita que eles venham a “colonizar” sob o propósito de cooperação. Por outro lado,
é potencialmente benigna a idéia de envolver militares e as suas agências de inteligência
para monitorar e processar problemas ambientais.
Uma melhor formulação (e isso já de forma inicial acontece no Brasil através do
SIVAM/SIPAM) é a de uma condição de responsabilidade coletiva e partilhada pela
capacidade técnica e instalada da instituição militar em atuar com múltiplos propósitos na
coordenação e na vigilância, monitorando sistemas complexos de natureza ambiental.
Como trabalhos desta forma poderiam integrar civis e militares (com comunicação,
transporte, infra-estrutura viária e aérea) na comunidade local, pensa-se que os sinais de
danos ambientais seriam mais eficazmente identificados e abordados. Propõe-se o
envolvimento militar nas questões ambientais como estratégia, encorajando e
sensibilizando os militares a participarem desta nova proposta, assim conduzida de forma
moral e praticamente aceitável, o que significaria não somente dar um passo na direção da
proteção e restauração ambiental, mas também de outro para a segurança ecológica e para
a modificação estrutural dessas instituições totais modeladas na visão hegemônica da
segurança nacional. / In this work, we dedicate to investigate which is the relation between the Brazilian
military institution and the environmental question in Brazil, by means of exploratory
and evaluative research, where qualitative methodologies varied for the verification and
magnifying of the agreement of the military thought. We use the methodologic
triangulation composing from the techniques of the case study, the exploratory interview
and analysis of content of collected documents. We analyze the resumes of the Military
Academy of the Black Needles (AMAN), the Center of Instruction of War in the forest
(CIGS) to search for environmental evidences. We choose the Military Club (Clube
Militar) and the Superior School of War to apprehend the military thought on
environmental questions, with emphasis of Amazonia. In the Military Club, 62 existing
articles in the Magazine of the Military Club in the period of 1980-2000 had been
analyzed where some general contributors, colonels, partners and guests had written on
the subject Amazonia, with the purpose of: (1) to extend the understanding on the
military thought as a whole; (2) to identify the one that ambient trend if would associate
each article (anthropocentric or ecocentric) and (3) to see as if it would hold the
majoritarian thesis, observed preliminarily amongst the military segment, of that it has
deliberate threats of internationalization of the Amazonia. Later, looking for to make a
thematic analysis, we more than select 40 monographs and publications of the Superior
School of War. We kept the secular cut of 1980-2000, that it coincides with the
beginnings of the environmental quarrels in Brazil and we look for to dialogue with
literature the emitted one for the source.
In general, great part of the military collectivity express the idea of an exclusively
Brazilian environment, disclosing incomplete formation about the environmental
problems and a position of affirmation of the national sovereignty in the shape of the
national security doctrine applied to the environmental treatments, that are materialized
by the hegemonic belief in the threat of the internationalization of the Amazonia.
In face of the values and its organizational culture, the manifestations of the
military segment in favor of ecological actions are guided by a very distinct rationality of
the environmental thought. The organizacional culture to militate tends to influence
negative in the military performance in relation to the environment. The consequences
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are the fulfilment of missions which disturb the delicated faces of environmental
conservation and preservation.
The minimum inclusion of environment subjects in military schools brings
difficulties so that military knows, interprets and decides correctly on environment
aspects of its papers and professionals deals. Still thus, military organizations can
present contributions to the environment interests, even thou for distinct motivations, in
reason of that the used military tactics in the area of humid forest stimulate a care with
the release of residues and a good relationship with the regional population. Some cases
of military training offer original contributions to environmental education. This makes
importance for the interlocution with other scientific entities and social organizations
that already develop works in thematic the environment and probably they will interact
in any project of surveillance and handling where military come to participate.
Also, the Brazilian military thought tends to articulate itself inside of the concept of
environmental security and to move away itself from the ecological security. This will be
able to affect the complex ecossistemics network and social relations which can
compromise, with its professional actions, the biodiversity in Brazil.
Besides provoking significant environmental impacts in the war times, the military
activities in the periods without war also are environmentally degradatives. If the
military are not fighting in the wars, he is training itself for the next war. We will have,
when accepting the seted force, a state of continuity of the conflicts of low intensity with
cumulative environmental impacts, that include the use and the degradation of the land,
the pollution and the use of the airspace and maritime, the use of the energy and material
resources and the generation of toxical material. How we saw, the military, in its specific
activities, sometimes can bring advantages for the environmental conservation and
restoration. Some portions of land under military jurisdiction are most well-taken care of
the containment of the military area than devolution to the public power when not
sensetized with the environmental questions in its daily procedures.
In the case of Brazil, the occupation of the territory possesss marks of the presence
of the army for all the part and in some localities the biggest supplier of direct and
indirect chances is the "barracks", until today. As we are not in war, the harmful effect
observed by the long permanence of American units in the exterior, using lands of other
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countries the recurrent social impact to this would not be applied to Brazil and in the
same way.
Recommending that the military institutions have care with its proper
environmental impacts, other niches of performance for the military exist. The military
can help in the reinforcement of standardized environmental activities, they can
collaborate with its agencies of intelligence in the surveillance and the collection of
information on environmental degradation and can help in not violent papers of
conservation and restoration. We know that the problem to use the military in this
activity is that this makes possible that they come "to colonize" under the cooperation
intention. On the other hand, she is potentially benign the idea to involve military and its
agencies of intelligence to monitor and to process environmental problems.
One better formularization (and this already of initial form it happens in Brazil
through the SIVAM/SIPAM) is a condition of responsibility collective share by the
capacity technique and installed of the military institution in acting with multiple
intentions in the coordination and the monitoring, monitoring complex systems of
environmental nature. As works of this form they could integrate civilians and military
(with communication, transport, road and aerial infrastructure) in the local community,
think that the signals of environmental damages more efficiently would be identified and
boarded. The military envolvement in the environmental questions is considered as
strategy, encouraging and sensetizing the military to participate of this new proposal,
thus lead of moral and practically acceptable form, what it would not only mean to give
to a step in the direction of the protection and environmental restoration, but also of
another one for the ecological security and the structural modification of these shaped
total institutions in the hegemonic vision of the national security.
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A recepção de Clausewitz no exército brasileiro: da guerra fria ao pós-guerra friaFerezin, Carla Cristina Wrbieta 20 December 2012 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2012-12-20 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / Clausewitz is considered the main philosopher of war. Since the 19th century, his work was frequently read and cited, especially in the military environment. However, until now, no research has proposed investigating the reception of his work in Brazil. The central objective of this study is, more specifically, to analyze the reading of this author among members of the Brazilian Army. The specific objectives are: a) to investigate which Clausewitzian concepts are more cited in these readings; b) to consider the possible influence of the most important readings published abroad over these readings; c) to identify variations of comprehension about Clausewitz s conceptions during two periods: the Cold War and the post-Cold War; d) to examine the reception of Clausewitz in the Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (Brazilian Army Command and General Staff School) ECEME. The corpus chosen was the geopolitics production that prevailed in the strategic thought of Cold War, as well as papers published in A Defesa Nacional, Revista do Exército Brasileiro e Revista das Ciências Militares Coleção Carlos de Meira Mattos, in the period post 1989. Curricula of the courses offered by ECEME were also examined. Through a bibliographical review and a documental analysis, it was verified that the Brazilian readings of Clausewitz are largely selective and marked by the historical context in which they were elaborated. Concerning the analysis of the ECEME s curricula, it was noticed that Clausewitz is a literature present in the Escola and read in the main course disciplines, Strategy and Military History. / Clausewitz é considerado o principal filósofo da guerra. Desde o século XIX suas obras foram frequentemente lidas e citadas, sobretudo no meio militar. No entanto, até o momento nenhuma pesquisa propôs investigar a recepção de sua obra no Brasil. Mais especificamente, o objetivo central desse trabalho é analisar a leitura desse autor entre os militares do Exército brasileiro. Têm-se como objetivos: a) investigar quais os conceitos clausewitzianos mais citados nessas leituras; b) considerar a possível influência nelas das leituras mais importantes publicadas no exterior; c) identificar variações de compreensão das concepções de Clausewitz durante dois períodos: a Guerra Fria e o pós-Guerra Fria; d) examinar a recepção de Clausewitz na Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME). O corpus escolhido foi a produção geopolítica, dominante no pensamento estratégico da Guerra Fria, bem como artigos publicados em A Defesa Nacional, Revista do Exército Brasileiro e Revista das Ciências Militares Coleção Carlos de Meira Mattos, para o período do pós 1989. Foram examinados também os currículos dos cursos oferecidos pela ECEME. Por meio da revisão bibliográfica e análise documental constatamos que, em grande parte, as leituras brasileiras de Clausewitz são seletivas e marcadas pela conjuntura histórica em que foram elaboradas. Com relação à analise dos currículos da ECEME, percebemos que Clausewitz é literatura presente na Escola, lido nas principais disciplinas dos cursos, Estratégia e História Militar.
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The road to FMFM 1: the United States Marine Corps and maneuver warfare doctrine, 1979-1989Damian, Fideleon II January 1900 (has links)
Master of Arts / Department of History / Michael A. Ramsay / In 1989, the United States Marine Corps published the document Fleet Marine Force Manual 1, Warfighting. Its appearance signaled the official adoption of maneuver warfare as the Corps's organizational philosophy and the basis of its doctrine for preparing and conducting operations. The decade of debate and experimentation that preceded the publication of Warfighting has not received detailed examination, but merits such for the insights it can provide to understanding intellectual change and military reform.
Beginning in 1979, Marine Corps officers engaged in an intraservice debate over the issue of maneuver warfare, a new concept that began to circulate among military reformers in the latter half of the 1970s. A group of Marine officers known as "maneuverists" began meeting in unofficial seminars to study, refine, and promote the idea. Maneuverists believed that maneuver warfare was a more fluid and dynamic way of fighting because it stressed flexibility, creativity, and a focus on enemy behavior. They also thought the new idea offered a more effective alternative for fighting war than contemporary practices, which they thought focused too much on rigid application of standardized procedures and methods of existing manuals. The intellectual transformation of the Marine Corps involved three main mechanisms. The first was a theoretical mechanism centered on public debate in the pages of Marine Corps Gazette to introduce and defend maneuver warfare to Marine audience. The second was a functional/practical mechanism that involved educational and training initiatives at the Amphibious Warfare School and Camp Lejeune, North Carolina. The third mechanism was the use of institutional authority made possible with the appointment of General Alfred M. Gray, a senior and vocal maneuver warfare champion, to the position Commandant of the Marine Corps. Using the authority of his office, Gray directed the writing of a doctrinal manual encapsulating the ideas of maneuver warfare to provide the Corps organizational focus and direction. The resulting manual FMFM 1, Warfighting, officially adopted maneuver warfare as service doctrine and organizational warfighting philosophy.
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中共軍事思想之研究 / China's Evolving Military Theory郎錫恭 Unknown Date (has links)
中共軍事思想之形成,主要受毛澤東軍事思想、全球戰略形勢與周邊戰略形勢、及中共自身條件等因素之影響。從毛澤東時期「早打、大打、打核子戰」的人民戰爭思想與積極防禦,轉變至鄧小平時期「和平時期建軍」、與「打贏一場局部戰爭」的戰略思維,以至江澤民時期強調質量建軍、高科技建軍,打贏一場高科技條件下的局部戰爭等,突顯中共在不同形勢變化之下,軍事思想所強調之目標,對其軍事發展的過程,皆有重大的影響。
本論文的目的在於瞭解,對中共而言,什麼是軍事思想,其「軍事思想」的發展階段為何,其演進過程的內容及影響軍事思想發展的因素等。 / Clearly,China's military theory was largely shaped by Mao's military theory of people's war concept, perception of global and regional strategic environment, as well as China's own capabilitiy and priority. Mao Zedog has emphasized to fight "a early, large and nuclear war" under the context of people war.Deng Xiaoping changed Mao's policy,emphasizing a military construction under peaceful environment, and fight a local war. Jiang Zemin made further change, switching to emphasize fliilitary buildup based on quality and high technology,and to fight a local under high technology condit ion.These changes reflect how Chinese military theory has adapted to changing environment. This paper discusses what is junshi sixiang means in Chinese military vocabulary, the evolution of China's military theory, and factors influencing its development.
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Maquiavel e a função política da arte da guerra / Machiavelli and the political role of the art of warZorzo, Douglas Antônio Fedel 06 April 2015 (has links)
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Previous issue date: 2015-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The political theory of Niccolò Machiavelli is permeated by a constant and inflexible preoccupation: the military question. The problems about the government relations are followed alongside by considerations about the political necessity of formation and organization of national armies. The Machiavellian military theory, diluted in the set of his works, is revealed as an essential aspect for the maintenance of state ordinations and the conservation of the vivere civile. The success of political institutions is dependent on the capacity for coordination and full absorption of the structures directed for the exercise of war: the military art and the political art create, at the heart of Machiavelli's thought, bonds of an inseparable articulation. The proper relation with the martial apparatus is a condition for the survival of States. In this sense, the primary objective of the study here presented is to delineate and to expose how the Machiavelli's warfare conceptions are thoughtful and grounded in the core of political arguments. On the one hand, we will seek to illustrate the function exercised by the art of war in the interior of the dynamic of state, evaluating the necessary requirements for the fusion of war and politics, beyond to devote one particular attention to the implications of this role in republicans and princely governments. On the other hand, we will intend to expose the way in which the interpretations of the technical nature of the military arrangements advocated by the Florentine secretary were strongly guided by government issues. / A teoria política de Nicolau Maquiavel é atravessada por uma preocupação constante e inflexível: a questão militar. Os problemas sobre as relações de governo são acompanhados lado a lado pelas considerações sobre a necessidade política da formação e da organização de exércitos nacionais. A teoria militar maquiaveliana, diluída no conjunto de suas obras, se revela como um aspecto imprescindível para a manutenção das ordenações estatais e para a conservação do vivere civile. O êxito das instituições políticas é dependente da capacidade de coordenação e plena absorção das estruturas direcionadas para o exercício da guerra: a arte militar e a arte política, no âmago do pensamento de Maquiavel, criam laços de uma articulação incindível. O relacionamento adequado com o aparato marcial é uma condição para a sobrevivência dos Estados. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário do trabalho aqui apresentado é o de delinear e o de expor em que medida as concepções bélicas de Maquiavel são pensadas e alicerçadas no núcleo de argumentos políticos. Por um lado, buscaremos ilustrar a função exercida pela arte da guerra no interior da dinâmica estatal, avaliando os requisitos necessários para a fusão de guerra e política, além de dedicarmos uma atenção particular às implicações desse papel nos governos republicanos e principescos. Por outro, pretenderemos expor o modo por meio do qual as interpretações de cunho técnico sobre as disposições militares defendidas pelo Secretário florentino foram fortemente guiadas por questões governamentais.
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