This dissertation examines what constituted 19th century American military science, why it was framed within government policy and taught within the United States Military Academy, and how it became the early American way of war. The work uses as evidence a wide array of documents including biographical records of 2046 West Point graduates. It commences by explaining how military science has been reduced to near oblivion by two revisionist schools, the first regarding the lack of military professionalism in the antebellum army, and the second regarding how Swiss military theorist Antoine Jomini held a stranglehold over antebellum military thought. This dissertation challenges these interpretations. It tracks the evolution of military science from Enlightenment Europe to the United States during American Revolution and its relative obscurity until after the War of 1812. It then explains why a deliberate decision was made to transplant a French Napoleonic version of military science to serve as the curriculum of the military academy and to support the formulation of a national defence policy that called for militarized coastal frontiers and an “expansible army.” The work then follows how and why military science was modified during the period 1820-1860 in response to changes to the threats to the United States, changes related to state and federal plans for “internal improvements,” Indian wars, westward expansion, war with Mexico, and advances in military technology. Specifically it tracks how the doctrine of military science expanded from the teaching of specific Napoleonic applications to embrace subjects needed for war in North America. Inculcation in this American military science eventually came to provide the army with an officer corps that shared a common all-arms doctrine and common skill in using mathematics for military problem-solving. The majority of long-service graduates went on to spend years of their career fulfilling general staff, engineering, or academy instructor duties. The proliferation of military science through their work, and through published texts available to state volunteers, ensured that on the eve of the Civil War there existed a distinctly American, and scientific, way of war. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-07-28 18:19:10.639

This work examines what constituted 19th century American military science, why it was framed within government policy and taught within the United States Military Academy, and how it became the early American way of war. The work uses as evidence a wide array of documents including biographical records of 2046 West Point graduates. It tracks the evolution of military science from Enlightenment Europe to the United States during the American Revolution and its relative obscurity until after the War of 1812. It then explains why a deliberate decision was made to transplant a French Napoleonic version of military science to serve as the curriculum of the military academy and to support the formulation of a national defense policy that called for militarized coastal frontiers and an “expansible army.” The work then follows how and why military science was modified during the period 1820-1860 in response to changes to the threats to the United States, changes related to state and federal plans for “internal improvements,” Indian wars, westward expansion, war with Mexico, and advances in military technology. Specifically it tracks how the doctrine of military science evolved from the teaching of specific Napoleonic applications to embrace subjects needed for war in North America. Inculcation in this American military science eventually came to provide the army with an officer corps that shared a common all-arms doctrine and common skill in using mathematics for military problem-solving. The majority of long-service graduates went on to spend years of their career fulfilling general staff, engineering, or academy instructor functions. The proliferation of military science through their work, and through published texts available to state volunteers, ensured that on the eve of the Civil War there existed a distinctly American, and scientific, way of war. This work challenges two late 20th century liberal arts revisionist schools, championed by Samuel Huntington and Russell Weigley, that have unfairly reduced military science to near oblivion. / Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2012-05-28 10:47:55.375

This is a sociological study of the views of officers in the Swedish Army and its Amphibious Forces on tactics in Irregular Warfare (IW), in particular, Counterinsurgency (COIN). IW comprises struggles, where the military weaker part uses an indirect approach with smaller units and integrates the civilian and military dimensions in a violence spectrum including subversion, terrorism, Guerrilla Warfare and infantry actions. IW is the main armed warfare style in insurgencies. COIN is the combined political, military, economic, social and legal actions in counter insurgencies. Data has been collected by means of interviews with almost all (n =43) officers, who were either commanding battalions or rifle and manoeuvre companies while undergoing training for general warfare and international operations. The main theoretical and methodological inspiration is the traditional one for research on social fields, inaugurated by the French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. The statistical technique used is Multiple Correspondence Analysis. As a background and context base, an inquiry inspired by the Begriffsgechichte (Conceptual History) tradition explores the genesis and development of understandings of the term Irregular Warfare. The research question is outlined as; “how can contemporary Swedish military thought on tactics in Irregular Warfare be characterized using descriptive patterns, mapped in relation to background factors and normative standards? The most significant findings are that there are two main opposing notions separating the officers’ views on tactics in Irregular Warfare: (1) a focus on larger, combat oriented and collectively operating military units versus smaller and larger, more intelligence oriented and dispersed operating units, and (2) a focus on military tasks and kinetic effects versus military and civilian tasks as well as “soft” effects. The distribution of these views can be presented as a two-dimensional space structured by the two axes. This space represents four categories of tactics, partly diverging from normative military standards for Counterinsurgency. This social space of standpoints shows different structural tendencies for background factors of social and cultural character, particularly dominant concerning military backgrounds, international mission experiences and civilian education. Compared to military standards for Counterinsurgency, the two tactical types characterized by a Regular Warfare mind-set stands out as counter-normative. Signs of creative thought on military practice and theory, as well as a still persistent Regular Warfare doxa are apparent. Power struggles might thus develop, effecting the transformation to a broadened warfare culture with an enhanced focus also on Irregular Warfare. The result does not support research results arguing for a convergence of military thought in the European transformation of Armed Forces. The main argument goes beyond tactics and suggests sociological analysis on reciprocal effects regarding strategy, operational art, tactics as well as leadership, concerning the mind-set and preferences for Regular, Irregular and Hybrid Warfare.

Made available in DSpace on 2012-09-05T18:24:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) 208.pdf: 1988852 bytes, checksum: d19001b42b69eebba40d232c7cc14474 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Nacional de Saúde Pública Sergio Arouca. Rio de Janeiro, RJ, Brasil. / Neste trabalho, nos dedicamos a investigar a relação entre a instituição militar brasileira e a questão ambiental no Brasil, mediante pesquisa exploratória e avaliativa, onde optamos por metodologias qualitativas variadas para a verificação e ampliação do entendimento do pensamento militar. Usamos a triangulação metodológica compondo a partir das técnicas do estudo de caso, entrevista exploratória e análise de conteúdo dos documentos coletados. Analisamos os currículos da Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras, do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva à busca de evidências ambientais. Escolhemos o Clube Militar e a Escola Superior de Guerra para apreender o pensamento militar sobre as questões ambientais, com ênfase do olhar para a Amazônia. No Clube Militar, foram analisados 62 artigos existentes na Revista do Clube Militar no período de 1980-2000 em que vários articulistas generais, coronéis, sócios e convidados escreveram sobre o tema Amazônia, com a finalidade de: (1) ampliar a compreensão sobre o pensamento militar como um todo; (2) identificar a que tendência ambiental se associaria cada artigo (antropocêntrica ou ecocêntrica) e (3) ver como se comportaria a tese majoritária, observada preliminarmente dentre o segmento militar, de que há ameaças deliberadas de internacionalização da Amazônia. Posteriormente, procurando fazer uma análise temática, selecionamos mais de 40 monografias e publicações da Escola Superior de Guerra. Mantivemos o corte temporal de 1980-2000, que coincide com os primórdios das discussões ambientais no Brasil e procuramos dialogar com a literatura o emitido pela fonte. Em geral, grande parte da coletividade militar expressa a idéia de um meio ambiente exclusivamente brasileiro, revelando incompleta formação de seus quadros quanto à problemática ambiental e uma postura de afirmação da soberania nacional nos moldes da doutrina de segurança nacional aplicada aos tratos ambientais, que é materializada pela crença hegemônica na ameaça da internacionalização da Amazônia. Em face dos valores e de sua cultura organizacional, as manifestações do segmento militar em prol de ações ecológicas estão orientadas por uma racionalidade distinta daquela na qual se apóia o pensamento ambiental. A cultura organizacional militar tende a influir negativamente no desempenho militar em relação ao meio ambiente. As conseqüências disso são o cumprimento de missões que tendem a iv menosprezar os delicados meandros da prática de conservação e de preservação ambientais. A mínima inclusão de assuntos ambientais em currículos de escolas militares e a falta de prática em assuntos ambientais trazem dificuldades para que militares conheçam, interpretem e decidam acertadamente sobre aspectos ambientais dos seus papéis e lides profissionais. Ainda assim, organizações militares podem apresentar contribuições aos interesses ambientais, mesmo que por motivações e pressupostos distintos, em razão de que as táticas militares empregadas na área de floresta úmida incentivam um cuidado com a liberação de resíduos e um bom relacionamento com a população regional. Alguns casos de adestramento de militares, como o do Centro de Instrução de Guerra na Selva, oferecem contribuições originais à educação ambiental. Isso se faz importante para a interlocução com outras entidades científicas e organizações sociais que já desenvolvem trabalhos na temática ambiental e que provavelmente interagirão em qualquer projeto de monitoramento e de manejo em que militares venham a participar. O pensamento militar brasileiro tende a articular-se dentro do conceito de “segurança ambiental” e de afastar-se do da “segurança ecológica”. Isso poderá afetar as complexas relações ecossistêmicas e sociais e comprometer com ações antrópicas e profissionais a biodiversidade no Brasil. Além de provocarem significativos impactos ambientais nos tempos de guerra, as atividades militares nos períodos sem guerra também são ambientalmente degradantes. Se os militares não estão lutando nas guerras, estão qualificando-se e adestrando-se para a próxima guerra. Teremos, ao aceitar a força armada, um estado de continuidade dos conflitos de baixa intensidade com impactos ambientais cumulativos, que incluem o uso e a degradação da terra, a poluição e o uso do espaço aéreo e marítimo, o uso da energia e recursos materiais e a geração de resíduos tóxicos. Como vimos, os militares, em suas atividades específicas, algumas vezes podem trazer vantagens para a conservação e restauração ambientais. Algumas porções de terra sob jurisdição militar são mais bem cuidadas pela contenção do cinturão de isolamento como área militar do que pela devolução ao poder público quando não sensibilizado com as questões ambientais em seus procedimentos diários. v No caso do Brasil, a ocupação do território possui marcas da presença do exército por toda a parte e em algumas localidades é o “quartel” o maior provedor de oportunidades diretas e indiretas, até hoje. Como não estamos em guerra, os efeitos nocivos observados pela longa permanência de unidades americanas no exterior, usando terras de outros países não se aplicaria ao Brasil e da mesma forma o impacto social recorrente a isso. Recomendando que as instituições militares tenham cuidado com seus próprios impactos ambientais, existem outros nichos de atuação para os militares. Os militares podem ajudar no reforço de atividades ambientais padronizadas, podem colaborar com suas agências de inteligência no monitoramento e na coleta de informações sobre degradação ambiental e podem ajudar em papéis não violentos de conservação e restauração. Sabemos que o problema de utilizar os militares nessa atividade é que isso possibilita que eles venham a “colonizar” sob o propósito de cooperação. Por outro lado, é potencialmente benigna a idéia de envolver militares e as suas agências de inteligência para monitorar e processar problemas ambientais. Uma melhor formulação (e isso já de forma inicial acontece no Brasil através do SIVAM/SIPAM) é a de uma condição de responsabilidade coletiva e partilhada pela capacidade técnica e instalada da instituição militar em atuar com múltiplos propósitos na coordenação e na vigilância, monitorando sistemas complexos de natureza ambiental. Como trabalhos desta forma poderiam integrar civis e militares (com comunicação, transporte, infra-estrutura viária e aérea) na comunidade local, pensa-se que os sinais de danos ambientais seriam mais eficazmente identificados e abordados. Propõe-se o envolvimento militar nas questões ambientais como estratégia, encorajando e sensibilizando os militares a participarem desta nova proposta, assim conduzida de forma moral e praticamente aceitável, o que significaria não somente dar um passo na direção da proteção e restauração ambiental, mas também de outro para a segurança ecológica e para a modificação estrutural dessas instituições totais modeladas na visão hegemônica da segurança nacional. / In this work, we dedicate to investigate which is the relation between the Brazilian military institution and the environmental question in Brazil, by means of exploratory and evaluative research, where qualitative methodologies varied for the verification and magnifying of the agreement of the military thought. We use the methodologic triangulation composing from the techniques of the case study, the exploratory interview and analysis of content of collected documents. We analyze the resumes of the Military Academy of the Black Needles (AMAN), the Center of Instruction of War in the forest (CIGS) to search for environmental evidences. We choose the Military Club (Clube Militar) and the Superior School of War to apprehend the military thought on environmental questions, with emphasis of Amazonia. In the Military Club, 62 existing articles in the Magazine of the Military Club in the period of 1980-2000 had been analyzed where some general contributors, colonels, partners and guests had written on the subject Amazonia, with the purpose of: (1) to extend the understanding on the military thought as a whole; (2) to identify the one that ambient trend if would associate each article (anthropocentric or ecocentric) and (3) to see as if it would hold the majoritarian thesis, observed preliminarily amongst the military segment, of that it has deliberate threats of internationalization of the Amazonia. Later, looking for to make a thematic analysis, we more than select 40 monographs and publications of the Superior School of War. We kept the secular cut of 1980-2000, that it coincides with the beginnings of the environmental quarrels in Brazil and we look for to dialogue with literature the emitted one for the source. In general, great part of the military collectivity express the idea of an exclusively Brazilian environment, disclosing incomplete formation about the environmental problems and a position of affirmation of the national sovereignty in the shape of the national security doctrine applied to the environmental treatments, that are materialized by the hegemonic belief in the threat of the internationalization of the Amazonia. In face of the values and its organizational culture, the manifestations of the military segment in favor of ecological actions are guided by a very distinct rationality of the environmental thought. The organizacional culture to militate tends to influence negative in the military performance in relation to the environment. The consequences vii are the fulfilment of missions which disturb the delicated faces of environmental conservation and preservation. The minimum inclusion of environment subjects in military schools brings difficulties so that military knows, interprets and decides correctly on environment aspects of its papers and professionals deals. Still thus, military organizations can present contributions to the environment interests, even thou for distinct motivations, in reason of that the used military tactics in the area of humid forest stimulate a care with the release of residues and a good relationship with the regional population. Some cases of military training offer original contributions to environmental education. This makes importance for the interlocution with other scientific entities and social organizations that already develop works in thematic the environment and probably they will interact in any project of surveillance and handling where military come to participate. Also, the Brazilian military thought tends to articulate itself inside of the concept of environmental security and to move away itself from the ecological security. This will be able to affect the complex ecossistemics network and social relations which can compromise, with its professional actions, the biodiversity in Brazil. Besides provoking significant environmental impacts in the war times, the military activities in the periods without war also are environmentally degradatives. If the military are not fighting in the wars, he is training itself for the next war. We will have, when accepting the seted force, a state of continuity of the conflicts of low intensity with cumulative environmental impacts, that include the use and the degradation of the land, the pollution and the use of the airspace and maritime, the use of the energy and material resources and the generation of toxical material. How we saw, the military, in its specific activities, sometimes can bring advantages for the environmental conservation and restoration. Some portions of land under military jurisdiction are most well-taken care of the containment of the military area than devolution to the public power when not sensetized with the environmental questions in its daily procedures. In the case of Brazil, the occupation of the territory possesss marks of the presence of the army for all the part and in some localities the biggest supplier of direct and indirect chances is the "barracks", until today. As we are not in war, the harmful effect observed by the long permanence of American units in the exterior, using lands of other viii countries the recurrent social impact to this would not be applied to Brazil and in the same way. Recommending that the military institutions have care with its proper environmental impacts, other niches of performance for the military exist. The military can help in the reinforcement of standardized environmental activities, they can collaborate with its agencies of intelligence in the surveillance and the collection of information on environmental degradation and can help in not violent papers of conservation and restoration. We know that the problem to use the military in this activity is that this makes possible that they come "to colonize" under the cooperation intention. On the other hand, she is potentially benign the idea to involve military and its agencies of intelligence to monitor and to process environmental problems. One better formularization (and this already of initial form it happens in Brazil through the SIVAM/SIPAM) is a condition of responsibility collective share by the capacity technique and installed of the military institution in acting with multiple intentions in the coordination and the monitoring, monitoring complex systems of environmental nature. As works of this form they could integrate civilians and military (with communication, transport, road and aerial infrastructure) in the local community, think that the signals of environmental damages more efficiently would be identified and boarded. The military envolvement in the environmental questions is considered as strategy, encouraging and sensetizing the military to participate of this new proposal, thus lead of moral and practically acceptable form, what it would not only mean to give to a step in the direction of the protection and environmental restoration, but also of another one for the ecological security and the structural modification of these shaped total institutions in the hegemonic vision of the national security.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5285.pdf: 1722337 bytes, checksum: 2763e3b3dc5f2d19579e60a42ed62751 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-20 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / Clausewitz is considered the main philosopher of war. Since the 19th century, his work was frequently read and cited, especially in the military environment. However, until now, no research has proposed investigating the reception of his work in Brazil. The central objective of this study is, more specifically, to analyze the reading of this author among members of the Brazilian Army. The specific objectives are: a) to investigate which Clausewitzian concepts are more cited in these readings; b) to consider the possible influence of the most important readings published abroad over these readings; c) to identify variations of comprehension about Clausewitz s conceptions during two periods: the Cold War and the post-Cold War; d) to examine the reception of Clausewitz in the Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (Brazilian Army Command and General Staff School) ECEME. The corpus chosen was the geopolitics production that prevailed in the strategic thought of Cold War, as well as papers published in A Defesa Nacional, Revista do Exército Brasileiro e Revista das Ciências Militares Coleção Carlos de Meira Mattos, in the period post 1989. Curricula of the courses offered by ECEME were also examined. Through a bibliographical review and a documental analysis, it was verified that the Brazilian readings of Clausewitz are largely selective and marked by the historical context in which they were elaborated. Concerning the analysis of the ECEME s curricula, it was noticed that Clausewitz is a literature present in the Escola and read in the main course disciplines, Strategy and Military History. / Clausewitz é considerado o principal filósofo da guerra. Desde o século XIX suas obras foram frequentemente lidas e citadas, sobretudo no meio militar. No entanto, até o momento nenhuma pesquisa propôs investigar a recepção de sua obra no Brasil. Mais especificamente, o objetivo central desse trabalho é analisar a leitura desse autor entre os militares do Exército brasileiro. Têm-se como objetivos: a) investigar quais os conceitos clausewitzianos mais citados nessas leituras; b) considerar a possível influência nelas das leituras mais importantes publicadas no exterior; c) identificar variações de compreensão das concepções de Clausewitz durante dois períodos: a Guerra Fria e o pós-Guerra Fria; d) examinar a recepção de Clausewitz na Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME). O corpus escolhido foi a produção geopolítica, dominante no pensamento estratégico da Guerra Fria, bem como artigos publicados em A Defesa Nacional, Revista do Exército Brasileiro e Revista das Ciências Militares Coleção Carlos de Meira Mattos, para o período do pós 1989. Foram examinados também os currículos dos cursos oferecidos pela ECEME. Por meio da revisão bibliográfica e análise documental constatamos que, em grande parte, as leituras brasileiras de Clausewitz são seletivas e marcadas pela conjuntura histórica em que foram elaboradas. Com relação à analise dos currículos da ECEME, percebemos que Clausewitz é literatura presente na Escola, lido nas principais disciplinas dos cursos, Estratégia e História Militar.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Michael A. Ramsay / In 1989, the United States Marine Corps published the document Fleet Marine Force Manual 1, Warfighting. Its appearance signaled the official adoption of maneuver warfare as the Corps's organizational philosophy and the basis of its doctrine for preparing and conducting operations. The decade of debate and experimentation that preceded the publication of Warfighting has not received detailed examination, but merits such for the insights it can provide to understanding intellectual change and military reform. Beginning in 1979, Marine Corps officers engaged in an intraservice debate over the issue of maneuver warfare, a new concept that began to circulate among military reformers in the latter half of the 1970s. A group of Marine officers known as "maneuverists" began meeting in unofficial seminars to study, refine, and promote the idea. Maneuverists believed that maneuver warfare was a more fluid and dynamic way of fighting because it stressed flexibility, creativity, and a focus on enemy behavior. They also thought the new idea offered a more effective alternative for fighting war than contemporary practices, which they thought focused too much on rigid application of standardized procedures and methods of existing manuals. The intellectual transformation of the Marine Corps involved three main mechanisms. The first was a theoretical mechanism centered on public debate in the pages of Marine Corps Gazette to introduce and defend maneuver warfare to Marine audience. The second was a functional/practical mechanism that involved educational and training initiatives at the Amphibious Warfare School and Camp Lejeune, North Carolina. The third mechanism was the use of institutional authority made possible with the appointment of General Alfred M. Gray, a senior and vocal maneuver warfare champion, to the position Commandant of the Marine Corps. Using the authority of his office, Gray directed the writing of a doctrinal manual encapsulating the ideas of maneuver warfare to provide the Corps organizational focus and direction. The resulting manual FMFM 1, Warfighting, officially adopted maneuver warfare as service doctrine and organizational warfighting philosophy.

中共軍事思想之形成，主要受毛澤東軍事思想、全球戰略形勢與周邊戰略形勢、及中共自身條件等因素之影響。從毛澤東時期「早打、大打、打核子戰」的人民戰爭思想與積極防禦，轉變至鄧小平時期「和平時期建軍」、與「打贏一場局部戰爭」的戰略思維，以至江澤民時期強調質量建軍、高科技建軍，打贏一場高科技條件下的局部戰爭等，突顯中共在不同形勢變化之下，軍事思想所強調之目標，對其軍事發展的過程，皆有重大的影響。 　　本論文的目的在於瞭解，對中共而言，什麼是軍事思想，其「軍事思想」的發展階段為何，其演進過程的內容及影響軍事思想發展的因素等。 / Clearly,China's military theory was largely shaped by Mao's military theory of people's war concept, perception of global and regional strategic environment, as well as China's own capabilitiy and priority. Mao Zedog has emphasized to fight "a early, large and nuclear war" under the context of people war.Deng Xiaoping changed Mao's policy,emphasizing a military construction under peaceful environment, and fight a local war. Jiang Zemin made further change, switching to emphasize fliilitary buildup based on quality and high technology,and to fight a local under high technology condit ion.These changes reflect how Chinese military theory has adapted to changing environment. This paper discusses what is junshi sixiang means in Chinese military vocabulary, the evolution of China's military theory, and factors influencing its development.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Douglas Antonio Fedel Zorzo.pdf: 869265 bytes, checksum: 9473a988e551499f4b514201bc4f2ef5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The political theory of Niccolò Machiavelli is permeated by a constant and inflexible preoccupation: the military question. The problems about the government relations are followed alongside by considerations about the political necessity of formation and organization of national armies. The Machiavellian military theory, diluted in the set of his works, is revealed as an essential aspect for the maintenance of state ordinations and the conservation of the vivere civile. The success of political institutions is dependent on the capacity for coordination and full absorption of the structures directed for the exercise of war: the military art and the political art create, at the heart of Machiavelli's thought, bonds of an inseparable articulation. The proper relation with the martial apparatus is a condition for the survival of States. In this sense, the primary objective of the study here presented is to delineate and to expose how the Machiavelli's warfare conceptions are thoughtful and grounded in the core of political arguments. On the one hand, we will seek to illustrate the function exercised by the art of war in the interior of the dynamic of state, evaluating the necessary requirements for the fusion of war and politics, beyond to devote one particular attention to the implications of this role in republicans and princely governments. On the other hand, we will intend to expose the way in which the interpretations of the technical nature of the military arrangements advocated by the Florentine secretary were strongly guided by government issues. / A teoria política de Nicolau Maquiavel é atravessada por uma preocupação constante e inflexível: a questão militar. Os problemas sobre as relações de governo são acompanhados lado a lado pelas considerações sobre a necessidade política da formação e da organização de exércitos nacionais. A teoria militar maquiaveliana, diluída no conjunto de suas obras, se revela como um aspecto imprescindível para a manutenção das ordenações estatais e para a conservação do vivere civile. O êxito das instituições políticas é dependente da capacidade de coordenação e plena absorção das estruturas direcionadas para o exercício da guerra: a arte militar e a arte política, no âmago do pensamento de Maquiavel, criam laços de uma articulação incindível. O relacionamento adequado com o aparato marcial é uma condição para a sobrevivência dos Estados. Nesse sentido, o objetivo primário do trabalho aqui apresentado é o de delinear e o de expor em que medida as concepções bélicas de Maquiavel são pensadas e alicerçadas no núcleo de argumentos políticos. Por um lado, buscaremos ilustrar a função exercida pela arte da guerra no interior da dinâmica estatal, avaliando os requisitos necessários para a fusão de guerra e política, além de dedicarmos uma atenção particular às implicações desse papel nos governos republicanos e principescos. Por outro, pretenderemos expor o modo por meio do qual as interpretações de cunho técnico sobre as disposições militares defendidas pelo Secretário florentino foram fortemente guiadas por questões governamentais.