In 1880, French brothers Jacques and Pierre Curie discovered the phenomenon of piezoelectricity in naturally occurring quartz crystal, sometimes referred to as 'nature's timekeeper.' By 1959, tens of millions of devices that exploited quartz crystal's piezoelectric character were being used in the technologies of radio, telephony, and electronic timekeeping. This dissertation analyzes the rapid rise of quartz crystal technology in the United States by looking at the growth of its knowledge base as reflected primarily in patents and journal articles. The major finding of this analysis is that the rise of quartz crystal technology cannot be fully understood by looking only at individuals, institutions, and technological factors. Rather, this work posits that the concept of technological community is indispensible in explaining rapid technological growth and diffusion that would otherwise seem inexplicable. In the late 1920s, and again in the early 1940s, the knowledge base of quartz crystal technology experienced exponential growth, partly due to U.S. government patronage and enlightened regulation. However, as this study shows, quartz crystal engineers, scientists, and entrepreneurs could not have mobilized as quickly and effectively as they did unless a vibrant technological community already existed. Furthermore, the United States' ability to support such a thriving community depended in part on an early 20th century American culture that displayed an unmatched enthusiasm for democratic communications media, most especially broadcast radio and universal telephone service. Archival records, professional journal articles, government reports, manufacturer catalogs, and U.S. patents have been used to document this history of the quartz crystal technological community. This dissertation contributes to the literature on technological communities and their role in facilitating technological and ecomonic growth by showing that though such communities often form spontaneously, their growth may be nurtured and stimulated through enlightened government regulation. As such, this dissertation should be of interest to scholars in the fields of history of technology, business history, management studies, and public policy.

Thesis (M.A.)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. / Cover title. "June 2002." AD-A404 751. Includes bibliographical references. Also available via the World Wide Web.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-05-23Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:34:14Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 pennacchi_amt_me_assis.pdf: 2409725 bytes, checksum: 627220c3f5a78e455f96e393f16a6e25 (MD5) / No final do século 19, nos anos que se sucederam à Guerra Civil, os Estados Unidos se consolidaram como nação industrial e também vivenciaram, como a Europa e o Japão, os problemas causados pela super-produção e pela gradual escassez de recursos naturais. Em busca de uma solução para tais dificuldades e a despeito de seu discurso isolacionista e liberal, os Estados Unidos iniciaram um processo expansionista que gradualmente estendeu sua influência econômica, política e cultural por todos os continentes. Um novo tipo de domínio, esse expansionismo se consolidou como resultado de uma conjuntura histórica, ideológica, tecnológica e religiosa e caracterizou-se por não ter limites, nem fronteiras; por englobar a totalidade do espaço do mundo e por penetrar na vida das populações subjugadas, não apenas nas suas relações com a grande potência, mas também em seus corpos, mentes, ideários e religiosidade. No passado, nenhuma ordem política ocupou tantas dimensões ou exerceu tanto controle sobre o mundo. A velha sociedade disciplinar tradicional e seus valores políticos foram substituídos por uma nova sociedade de controle e a hegemonia norte-americana passou a ser consolidada por uma rede de bases militares espalhadas por todos os continentes e por meio de sofisticados sistemas de comunicação e informações, além de atividades de enquadramento com coerção militar. Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento sobre essa nova forma de expansão e domínio, concentrando-se na teoria política do realismo, no fortalecimento do militarismo nos Estados Unidos e nas relações existentes entre o governo e o grande conglomerado das industrias da defesa instalado no país. / In the end of the 19th century, after the Civil War and its consolidation as an industrial power, the United States also suffered the consequences caused by overproduction. Looking for a way out of it and in spite of its isolacionism and politicals critics on European imperialism, the United States ingeniously began its own imperial expansion, favored by military events which allowed them to incresase its economical, political and cultural influence all over the world. The expansion performed by the United States is a form of dominance that emerged in the last decades as result of political and military interests, added to all technological transformations that humanity has been through, being quite distict from the political power exercised over men in past eras: it has no limits or frontiers; it comprises all the world and involves the lives of entire populations, affecting their bodies, minds, ideals and religiosity. Never before a political order has taken such a dimension or has exercised such a control over the world. In this context, the old and traditional disciplinary society and its political conventions had to give way to a new society of control, ready to rule all over people through a net of defensive military basis set quietly and regularly over all continents, and through communications systems, high-tech information nets and deadly potent armaments. This work is, therefore, dedicated to collect data and explain the historical evolution of this expansion and is focused in the connection among the political theory of realism, the escalation of militarism in the United States and in the close relations that tie some sectors of the government to the economical conglomerate of defense industries.

The United States Department of Defense spends billions of dollars annually on outsourcing functions to private contracted companies without knowing if their actions are effective. Guided by Feigenbaum, Henig, and Hamnett's theory of privatization and President Eisenhower's warnings of the impending military-industrial complex, the intent of this grounded theory study was to develop relevant theory regarding how the Department of Defense might accomplish missions through outsourcing during current and future fiscal constraints. This study sought to understand the perceived effectiveness of outsourcing Department of Defense functions through the perspectives of 2 employment groups directly affected by such outsourcing: federal employees and privately contracted employees. In this study, 24 federal employees and 20 privately contracted employees completed qualitative surveys about their perceptions of effectiveness in regards to outsourcing Department of Defense functions. Data were inductively analyzed through open, axial, and selective coding via constant comparison. Findings from this study generated a grounded theory, one positing that 2 distinct elements are important in outsourcing during fiscal constraint: well defined legal requirements and private sector technical expertise. Evidence from this study suggests that when these elements are in place, outsourced Department of Defense functions can progress, regardless of fiscal restrictions. The implications for social change include assisting political leaders with better decision making in support of effective national security policies, while providing good stewardship of tax payer funds.

Целью исследования является совершенствование методического подхода к оценке эффективности диверсификации производства оборонно-промышленного предприятия. Разработанный методический подход к оценке эффективности диверсификации производства основан на расчете специфических показателей предприятий ОПК с учетом весовых коэффициентов и балльной оценки, применение которого позволит оценить целесообразность выпуска гражданской продукции и сформировать эффективный план производства. / The aim of the work is to improve the methodical approach to assessing the effectiveness of diversification of production of a military–industrial enterprise. The developed methodical approach to assessing the effectiveness of production diversification is based on the calculation of specific indicators of defense industry enterprises, taking into account weighting factors and a point score, the use of which will allow to assess the feasibility of civilian production and form an effective production plan.

Orientador: Clodoaldo Bueno / Banca: Janina Onuki / Banca: Milton Carlos Costa / Resumo: No final do século 19, nos anos que se sucederam à Guerra Civil, os Estados Unidos se consolidaram como nação industrial e também vivenciaram, como a Europa e o Japão, os problemas causados pela super-produção e pela gradual escassez de recursos naturais. Em busca de uma solução para tais dificuldades e a despeito de seu discurso isolacionista e liberal, os Estados Unidos iniciaram um processo expansionista que gradualmente estendeu sua influência econômica, política e cultural por todos os continentes. Um novo tipo de domínio, esse expansionismo se consolidou como resultado de uma conjuntura histórica, ideológica, tecnológica e religiosa e caracterizou-se por não ter limites, nem fronteiras; por englobar a totalidade do espaço do mundo e por penetrar na vida das populações subjugadas, não apenas nas suas relações com a grande potência, mas também em seus corpos, mentes, ideários e religiosidade. No passado, nenhuma ordem política ocupou tantas dimensões ou exerceu tanto controle sobre o mundo. A velha sociedade disciplinar tradicional e seus valores políticos foram substituídos por uma nova sociedade de controle e a hegemonia norte-americana passou a ser consolidada por uma rede de bases militares espalhadas por todos os continentes e por meio de sofisticados sistemas de comunicação e informações, além de atividades de enquadramento com coerção militar. Este estudo pretende aprofundar o conhecimento sobre essa nova forma de expansão e domínio, concentrando-se na teoria política do realismo, no fortalecimento do militarismo nos Estados Unidos e nas relações existentes entre o governo e o grande conglomerado das industrias da defesa instalado no país. / Abstract: In the end of the 19th century, after the Civil War and its consolidation as an industrial power, the United States also suffered the consequences caused by overproduction. Looking for a way out of it and in spite of its isolacionism and politicals critics on European imperialism, the United States ingeniously began its own imperial expansion, favored by military events which allowed them to incresase its economical, political and cultural influence all over the world. The expansion performed by the United States is a form of dominance that emerged in the last decades as result of political and military interests, added to all technological transformations that humanity has been through, being quite distict from the political power exercised over men in past eras: it has no limits or frontiers; it comprises all the world and involves the lives of entire populations, affecting their bodies, minds, ideals and religiosity. Never before a political order has taken such a dimension or has exercised such a control over the world. In this context, the old and traditional disciplinary society and its political conventions had to give way to a new society of control, ready to rule all over people through a net of defensive military basis set quietly and regularly over all continents, and through communications systems, high-tech information nets and deadly potent armaments. This work is, therefore, dedicated to collect data and explain the historical evolution of this expansion and is focused in the connection among the political theory of realism, the escalation of militarism in the United States and in the close relations that tie some sectors of the government to the economical conglomerate of defense industries. / Mestre

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to explain why states obtain nuclear weapons and the role various</p><p>actors and interests play in the making of states´ nuclear policies. The main questions are as</p><p>follows: (1) What big theories exist concerning states obtaining nuclear weapon and nuclear</p><p>armament in International Relations and what relevance do they have of the post cold-war period?,</p><p>(2) What is the meaning of the perspective of the Military-Industrial Complex (MIC)?, and (3)Are</p><p>there empirical studies which supports the existence of a MIC in the United States?</p><p>The focus lies on actors and driving forces that are internal to states and it is also important to</p><p>investigate if the theories have relevance for the post 9/11-era. The study uses the method of</p><p>qualitative literature-study with some quantitative segments. It is claimed that states might be</p><p>interested in justifying their behaviour in a morally appealing way and that real reasons may be</p><p>hidden. There are many reasons for states to obtain and keep nuclear weapons and related</p><p>technology (which includes many of the most lucrative elements of the arms industry´s sales).</p><p>Among this reasons are that arms and related technology may be used to influence other states and</p><p>nuclear weapons-construction and modernisation might be used to protect the state from external</p><p>threats, stop unwanted interference from other actors, secure job and gain recognition and prestige</p><p>in world politics. For security reasons states might hold onto their own nuclear weapons and try to</p><p>hinder other actors from getting access to them. The internal actors and driving forces we look at</p><p>are bureaucratic, economical and political, and the MIC-perspective. The military can be said to</p><p>have interests in as much resources and capabilities as possible, which includes advanced</p><p>weaponary such as nuclear weapons and related technologies, at its disposal because of the goal to</p><p>defend the state from all possible threats and for officers career reasons. Much of its influence is</p><p>said to come from its expert knowledge and position and it is said to be especially influential in</p><p>matters of foreign policy, military spending and foreign policy. The major economical actors</p><p>mentioned are big corporations involved in military spending and these have interests in</p><p>maximizing profits. Nuclear weapons making and maintenance and the related areas of missile</p><p>defense and delivering methods for nuclear weapons seem to be areas with high changes of being</p><p>profitable for the involved major companies. The actors wield influence for example through</p><p>lobbying and campaign contributions. An economic driving force claim is that state spending is</p><p>necessary for stimulating the economy and defense spending is easily justified in other ways.</p><p>Political actors and driving forces concerns politicians interest in promoting the interests of</p><p>supporting groups, there are indications that the weapon industry is such a group. Research have</p><p>shown various results about the extent politicians tend to further the interests of supporting groups.</p><p>The MIC-perspective talks about groups with interest in high levels of military spending. Most</p><p>researchers seem to agree that the complex exists but there are different opinions about what actors</p><p>belongs to it and its power on various issues. There is some mention of the core of the complex</p><p>consisting of such internal actors as mentioned above. MIC-related empirical research has been</p><p>conducted and this author finds that the MIC is a relevant analytical tool for the post cold war – and</p><p>9/11 era.</p>

The integration of defence companies in Europe and the U.S. has in the defence market’s environment for a long time received considerable interest. Companies see business opportunities and attractive technology on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. Governments advocate in a public discourse that transatlantic defence industry integration is highly desirable and that it would benefit all concerned. This supportive discourse is compared to the action; the corporate integration that has occurred. The aim of the thesis is to understand and explain the level and nature of the transatlantic defence industry integration and its driving forces and inhibitors. A combination of three focal theoretical concepts has been used: integration, discourse and organizational field. The thesis shows that there is a marked discrepancy between the discourse for and the actual extent of transatlantic defence industry integration. This discrepancy and the nature of the corporate integration is analyzed and explained through the combination of discourse and integration within an organizational field. The thesis shows that defence companies’ in transatlantic acquisitions achieve very limited influence over the acquired company’s strategy and operations, and that synergies and rationalization are strongly disencouraged by governments. The processual integration within trans-national groups and in transatlantic defence materiel collaboration is highly restricted by governments. The thesis also shows that the defence innovation largely is separated between the U.S. and Europe. The defence market is an example of a political market showing a very different corporate rationality compared to ideal models of corporate rationality as the SCP paradigm. The findings suggest that defence companies’ strategy and integration appear non-rational in isolation, but become rational when understood through the lens of the defence market seen as an organizational field – a perspective that emphasizes the influence of the government field. If you want to understand, analyze or engage in transatlantic defence industry integration, you should benefit from this study. It should be of interest to researchers who study the defence industry, defence procurement, political markets, organizational fields, regulatory governance and corporate integration. It should be of interest to policymakers and others engaged in the discourse that concerns reforms of political markets in general, and of the defence market in particular. Martin Lundmark is a researcher at the Center for Marketing, Distribution and Industry Dynamics at the Stockholm School of Economics. His research focuses on the defence market, defence procurement, Europeanization and the transformation within political markets. Martin also works as defence market and defence procurement analyst and deputy research director at the Swedish Defence Research Agency (FOI). / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, 2011

ABSTRACT A POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY: THE EFFECTS OF THE NATURAL RESOURCE-FINANCIAL SECTORS ON THE FORMATION OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET Soltanov, Elnur MS, Department of International Relations Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Fatih Tayfur January 2004, 114 pages This research aims to analyze Russian natural resource-finance sectors&rsquo / effects on Russian foreign policy from the collapse of the Soviet Union on. The main question it tries to answer is why they are successful to determine the main contours of a relatively peaceful foreign policy in a crises-laden Russia which have had so many reasons to switch to an aggressive behavior. In this regard, the military-industrial complex is the other crucial economic sector to be referred to frequently. Given the overwhelming nature of the international structure that Russia finds itself in, and given the general change in the worldview of the Russians, it becomes clear that the resource-finance sector on the one hand and the military-industrial complex on the other are much more than mere economic sectors, being organic material cores of alternative national and international identities. Such a holistic approach in turn makes it possible to draw on the explanatory power of the legitimacy factor and to go beyond different group preferences in accounting for Russian foreign policy. Analyzing different sectors&rsquo / and their commodities&rsquo / structural characteristics in the context of the international market helps to discard the &ldquo / politics of international trade&rdquo / as a too narrow conceptual framework to study Russian foreign policy and to understand different economic sectors&rsquo / true explanatory utility.

Выпускная квалификационная работа (магистерская диссертация) посвящена исследованию финансовых механизмов интегрирования ОПК в экономику Российской Федерации. Предметом исследования является стратегический приоритет развития ОПК России. Целью работы является разработка экономических методов стратегии диверсификации и интеграции для производства продукции гражданского и двойного назначения, которая будет конкурентоспособна на рынке. Заключение содержит основные выводы и рекомендации по увеличению эффективности процессов интеграции исходя из текущего состояния отрасли и с учетом международного опыта. / Final qualifying work (master's dissertation) is devoted to the study оf financial mechanism of integration of military-industrial complex into the econоmу of the Russiaп Federation. The subject of the research is strategic priority of development of Russian military-industrial complex. The aim of the work is development of economic methods of diversification and integration strategy to manufacture civilian and dual-use products, which will bе competitive. The conclusion contains the main conclusions and recommendations for increasing the efficiency of integration process based on current status of the whole industry and international experience.