Farewell in the Garden is a Qing dynasty (1644-1911) copy of a parting gift painted by Wen Zhengming (1470-1559) for his student Wang Chong (1494-1533) to mark the occasion of Wang Chong’s visit before he left to write the civil service examination. In addition to this painting, three other versions bearing similar poetic inscriptions exist. These four paintings present an intriguing riddle and oppourtunity to consider copies as works worthy of scholarly attention. The compelling scene of farewell between teacher and student who both failed the examinations numerous times resonated with audiences who empathized with their disappointments. A longing to serve in the government is visible when these paintings are considered in relation to earlier literati art. The sketch-like traces of a ledge that is in all of the copies except Farewell in the Garden, hint to the visual possibility of this scene being situated on a shore. Wen Zhengming, through his subtle lines, alludes to this powerful site of parting which is frequently depicted in literati landscape painting and associated with scholar officials and men of merit. This thesis situates Farewell in the Garden and its copies within the wider tradition of literati painting through the theme of service. Government service, as a Confucian ideal, and as a recurring theme in literati painting, transforms in appearance over time, reflecting political, economic, and philosophical shifts. In the Ming dynasty, the ideal of service is manifest and demonstrated in the continued pursuit to serve in office, and the garden, reminiscent of the locations depicted in literati painting, becomes a suitable setting for this enactment. I argue that this parting scene of Wen Zhengming and Wang Chong came to implicitly represent the commitment to serve in government. The cogent Confucian ideal demonstrated by teacher and student is the unyielding determination to serve, and it is this very sentiment or quality in the copies of the farewell painting – the tenacious endeavour to be of service – that is at once consoling and persuasive. / Arts, Faculty of / Art History, Visual Art and Theory, Department of / Graduate

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

哈密（Qamul）地區位天山山脈東段內，自古即是東西交通路線上的 重要據點，也是定居性的農業民族與移動性的游牧民族重疊的活動區。十 四世紀中葉，其東方的中原朝廷元朝為明朝所取代，但明朝的擴張則受制 於北元的牽制；其西方的東察合台汗國內部各地方政治勢力分立，無法形 凝具成一股強大的政治勢力，故蒙裔宗室肅王忽納失里於洪武二十三年得 盤據在哈密地區正式形成「哈密政權」。哈密政權建立後，不斷地周旋於 周圍各大勢力之間。永樂四年明朝將哈密政權納入其羈縻衛所的體系之中 ；嘉靖八年，以吐魯番政權為首的東察合台汗國奪得哈密地區，哈密政權 在失去其真實的國家領域後，亦為其國祚劃上休止符。本文即在研究哈密 政權的如何形成、持續與覆亡的過程。

嘗試探討明史、明會典所記的出處，將明實錄所記明代吏部有關事例，按年代先後排 列，與太祖時所定「諸司職掌」，武宗時所刊「正德會典」，神宗時所刊「吏部職掌 」、「萬曆會典」等書，相互參證，以說明明代吏部文選清吏司職掌之演變與發展， 以補充明史與明會典之不足，並嘗試改正明史、明會典的錯誤。 本文心得有以下數點： 一、吏部石刻職掌，據我考證，係修於洪武十三年以後，洪武十六年以前。吏部石刻 職掌與戶部、禮部、刑部石刻職掌之體例，雖然不同，很可能撰寫之奉命是在同時， 而每部各修各的，不是同時修成。洪武二十六年所修「諸司職掌」始將體例劃一。這 是「諸司職掌」較石刻職掌為進步的地方。石刻職掌，不見於明史、明實錄及明會典 。這是研究明初典章經制極重要的史料。 二、明會典係以洪武二十六年「諸司職掌」為綱，而附以歷朝事例。明史以「諸司職 掌」為翟善所修，據我考證，該書可能為吏部尚書詹徽在伏誅以前所修，至梁煥署吏 部事時始頒行。 三、南京吏部志所載洪武二十九年吏部職掌，係抄萬曆會典，非洪武二十九年所定。 四、明代吏部文選清吏司在萬歷寺分九科。在司之下分科，由「諸司職掌」「缺科」 二字看來，在洪武時即已分料。 五、在明初，吏部文選清丈司職掌選官項中，僅包括類選與抄選。類選即後來之大選 。而急選、揀選、遠方選、舉人乞恩選、歲貢就教選，均由類選分化而來。 六、大選之對象為進士、監生等初授官，及考定陞降之再任官。而急選之對象則為「 改授、改降、丁憂候補官」。大選、急選官員有缺，均由吏部註選。在萬歷二十二年 始由吏部尚書孫丕揚制定掣籤法。 七、明史以「雙月大選，單月急選」，這是誤以清制為明制。在明萬歷至崇禎年間， 急選皆在雙月舉行；通常在大選前數日舉行。在萬曆八年以前，大選日期皆由吏部在 常朝時奏請定期；是年始定為雙月二十六日，後來改為二十五日。 八、明史選舉志以明代揀選三年舉行一次，這是明成化朝所定。然在孝宗弘治十三年 至嘉靖朝，或一年舉行一次，或二次，皆因實際需要來決定，至萬曆朝始恢復成化朝 所定三年舉行一次之例。 九、萬曆會典記：嘉靖十年題准，兵部左右待郎，必推曾按歷邊陲，練達軍務，或曾 伯兵備等官，有將略才望者，疏請簡用；遇有警報，即付以提督之任，不必另推」。 十、明代的保障，係指方面守令及御史之舉保，其於一般未入仕者，不叫保舉，明初 稱為貢舉，萬歷年間始改名為訪舉。 十一、明代的廷推，係由宣德年間「吏部會在京三品以上官眾議推舉」之會舉演變而 來，有立推與坐推之分；凡推陞閣臣、吏、兵二部尚書及總督時，科道掌印官參加， 與推者皆立而不坐，是為立推。而推陞閣臣、吏、兵二部尚書以外之三晶以上九卿、 僉都、祭酒及巡撫等官，原則上科道掌印官不參加，皆坐而推舉，是為坐推。在神宗 萬曆二十六年以後，科道掌印官參加一切廷推。而崇禎年間李日宣掌吏部時，凡遇廷 推必先令選郎商之科道掌印官，科道地位愈重。 本文僅研究明伐吏部文選清吏司之職掌，以後當繼續研究明代吏部考功清吏司、驗封 清吏司、稽勳清吏司等司之職掌。

本文定名為「明代胥吏」，因胥吏自古名目繁多，吏之一字固足以概括，但一般觀念上往往以吏為官，為免混淆起見，特於吏上加一習稱之胥字，以資分別。為便於行文間亦況用其他通行之名詞，如吏役、吏胥、吏典、吏員、掾屬、掾史、史、役、衙役、差役、公人等，胥吏既構成衙門之一環，且存在於官民所公認之慣習之中，即係一種制度，故未特予標明；冠以「明以」兩字，所以限定其時期也。 本文取材以明版（包括影印）明人之著作為主，兼及明前及清初遺老之著述，另補以少數清代攸切相關之記述，如黃六鴻之「福惠全書」，趙翼之「廿二史劄記」，「陔餘叢考」及陳宏課之「在官法戒錄」。至於斤人論著均未採用，惟導論中引述時人曾資生，嚴耕望，聶崇岐等著作，乃就古今之脈絡，作一條貫，裨導致正題，是為例外。有關吏制之問題，提要□玄，分為左列六部分： 其一，胥吏自初年之三途並進，得以吏發身而致通顯，馴致研定胥吏為一流品，終為官民所共賤。闡明其變化之所以然，指出胥吏既無前途又少待遇，主觀上有不得不謀其利之勢，此為第二章。 其二，就明代之政治結構中諸因素，分析胥吏弄權之原因，進而指陳其世業盤踞之所以然，客觀上有不得不予可假之勢，此為第三章。 其三至五，乃以胥吏之役務要項，類別編制與人事規定，作一敘述。其中役務則以考察房科制度之真相為主，以採求三班之形成為從，編制則特著重於額外之吏，而人事則以參撥陞遷與待遇為要，此為第四至第六章。 其六，就各種零星片斷之資料，能統計者則統計之，能製表者則製表之，縱非全部有代表性，但具有例示性，總歸於後，裨利於了解正文，此為附錄諸表。

The thesis deals with the changes of the Chinese garden during the Ming dynasty. It examines the changes in decoration, function and conception of private, literati gardens. It tracks the transformation of the Ming garden from a production land into a precious piece of art. In search of the causes of these changes, the thesis emphasizes the pre-conditioning of the garden's shape by its economic and social functions.

明末清初的散文發展，前人或以載道觀念論之，或以抒情觀念論之，又或以流派分梳論之，各有其理，亦各有其弊。本人認為，明末清初散文發展自有其一以貫之的內在邏輯，因而本文力圖探尋其內在邏輯，重建其發展軌跡。本文指出，文道關係正是影響明末清初散文發展的關鍵因素，時人對於文道關係的不同詮釋與理解，決定了當時散文發展的方向。 / 「古文傳統」與「小品傳統」，是理解明清之際散文發展的重要概念。特別是周作人等以抒情為宗旨建構的「小品傳統」，對理解這一段散文史，產生了深遠的影響。然而本文通過考察「小品傳統」的建構過程，以及其所反抗的「古文傳統」之內涵，並辨析二者關係，相比起「古文傳統」內部「載道、唐宋、法度」的體系，「小品傳統」自身存在局限，並不足以貫穿明清散文的發展。相反，考察晚明小品文家的古文觀，清初古文家的小品創作，本文以為小品儘管一度興盛，然而「古文傳統」才是其時古文發展的主軸。 / 「古文傳統」既是關鍵所在，則如何詮釋文道關係是其時文壇的重要問題。本文指出明清之際的文道論接續了唐宋以來古文家與理學家的討論，並面臨如何承繼二者而有所發展的問題。本文通過辨析各家對文道合一的詮釋，考索其時文道論與唐宋古文家、理學家的論述之關係，指出明清之際的文人一方面推崇理學家道的修養，一方面提倡古文家的文章造詣，來達到文道合一。並通過加強文與經之間的關係，強調文必本於經典，來彌合古文家與理學家的分歧。 / 本文同時以錢謙益、黃宗羲、侯方域、汪琬為中心，具體討論明清之際文道關係的發展過程。指出錢謙益通過批評復古派，推崇反經，提出性情、學問與世運的主張，以道決定文的思路，拉開重建古文傳統的序幕。黃宗羲則在錢謙益的基礎上，通過擴大性情的內涵，以及道在審美上的包容性，重新詮釋文道關係。然而明清之際對侯方域的評價之轉變，從肯定其古文主張，到批評其小說筆法，恰正體現道決定文的思路在重建古文傳統過程中遇到的困境。汪琬則從道的層面維護程朱理學，從文的層面肯定復古派，批評錢謙益，排斥小說筆法，試圖通過文道並重的方法來解決困境。可以說明清之際古文的發展，正是從道決定文走向文道並重的過程。 / Prose development in late Ming and early Qing periods is accounted for by scholars in terms of the theories of Confucianism, the concepts of lyricism or the summaries of different schools of classical prose. This study holds the belief that the prose development within this period of time has its consistent internal logic, and its aim is to establish a new theory to explain and restore the track of such development based on the existing theories by previous scholars. This study points out that the relationship between dao 道 and wen 文 is the major element influencing the prose development in late Ming and early Qing; the interpretation and comprehension of it dictates the direction of prose development. / The two different traditions of classical prose and familiar essay are key concepts in understanding the prose development in late Ming and early Qing, especially the latter, which was constructed by Zhou Zuo-ren under the principle of lyricism. Based on the examination of its establishment, the nature of classical prose tradition it defies, and the relationship between the two, this study reveals that the familiar essay tradition was bound by its limitations which rendered it insufficient in accounting for the entire prose development of the whole period, in contrast to the internal system of classical prose tradition. The review of the view on classical prose by familiar essay writers in late Ming and the familiar essay output of classical prose writers in early Qing indicate that the classical prose tradition was then the main pillar of prose development and familiar essay was its subsidiary, despite its once high popularity. / With classical prose tradition being the key to prose development in late Ming and early Qing, the interpretation of the relationship between dao and wen was a significant issue in the ancient literary society. This study points out that when the scholars in late Ming and early Qing discussed dao and wen, such discussion was a continuation of that contributed by the masters of prose writing and philosophers of Neo-Confucianism since Tang and Song Dynasties, which relates to the problem of finding ways to advance through inheriting the two notions. Literary society in the past upheld the idea of fusing dao and wen. By analyzing the different interpretations of such fusion by various parties, this study investigates the relationship between the discussion of dao and wen in late Ming and early Qing dynasties and also that in Tang and Song dynasties, pointing out that by strengthening the relationship between prose and classics and emphasizing the classical basis of prose, it bridges the gap between Neo-Confucian philosophers’ morality and classical prose writers’ literariness. / Lastly, this study discusses the specific development of the theory of dao and wen during late Ming and early Qing through four case studies, namely, Qian Qian-yi’s criticism on Revival Theory, Huang Zong-xi’s theory of qing 情, the changing reviews on Hou Fang-yu, and Wang Wan’s criticism on Qian Qian-yi and fictional prose. Qian’s criticism marked the beginning of the revival of classical prose tradition during late Ming and early Qing, where he promoted the returning to classic, proposing the concept of qing and knowledge being complementary and the idea of dao determining wen. Huang, based on Qian’s thoughts, reinterpreted the relationship between dao and wen by further expanding the pool of connotations of qing and the aesthetic comprehensiveness of dao. / However, the phenomenon of scholars agreeing on Hou Fang-yu’s stand on classical prose while excoriating his ‘fictional style of prose writing techniques’小說筆法 reflects the predicament faced by the idea of dao determining wen in the process of reconstructing the classical prose tradition. Wang tried to resolve such predicament through putting emphasis on both dao and wen, defending neo-confucianism from the aspect of dao and affirming Ming Classicalists from that of wen, while criticizing Qian and rejecting fictional style. All these illustrate that classical prose development during Late Ming and Early Qing is a process of the transition from dao determining wen to emphasizing both dao and wen. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李向昇. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 215-229). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Li Xiangsheng.

俞驊. / "2003年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2003. / 附參考文獻. / 附中英文摘要. / "2003 nian 8 yue". / Yu Hua. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. / Fu can kao wen xian. / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 中國新文學史中的周作人及其小品文 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 小品文的界說與發展 --- p.3 / Chapter 第三節 --- 晚明小品文高潮中的公安、竟陵派及其小品文 --- p.7 / Chapter 第二章 --- 周作人論公安派及其小品文 --- p.13 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「明人對於禮法的反抗很有現代氣息」 ´ؤ´ؤ周作人中國新文學源流論的切入點 --- p.13 / Chapter 1、 --- 對公安派三袁的重新評價 / Chapter 2、 --- 與公安派文學理論的同與不同 / Chapter 第二節 --- 「公安派與英國的小品文兩者所合成」 ´ؤ´ؤ周作人的中國新散文源流觀 --- p.22 / Chapter 1、 --- 「淸新流麗」´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中的公安派小品文 / Chapter 2、 --- 「中國新散文的源流是公安派與英國的小品文兩者所合成」 / Chapter 第三章 --- 周作人論竟陵派及其小品文 --- p.42 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「公安派的流麗遂亦不得不繼以竟陵派的奇僻」 ´ؤ´ؤ周作人借鑒竟陵派對小品文創作理論的豐富和發展…… --- p.42 / Chapter 1、 --- 公安與竟陵的文學，「形似相反而實相成」 / Chapter 2、 --- 相反中更見相成´ؤ´ؤ竟陵派對公安派文學理論的繼承和發展 / Chapter 第二節 --- 「奇僻」´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中的竟陵派的創作風格 --- p.58 / Chapter 1、 --- 「幽深孤峭」´ؤ´ؤ竟陵派的小品文創作風格 / Chapter 2、 --- 「幽情單緒」´ؤ´ؤ個人的孤獨感和寂寞感 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《帝京景物略》´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中竟陵派唯一的代表作品 --- p.71 / Chapter 1、 --- 《帝京景物略》的成書與作品風格 / Chapter 2、 --- 周作人對《帝京景物略》內容和思想的認同與接受 / Chapter 第四章 --- 周作人論張岱及其小品文 --- p.81 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「集公安、竟陵兩派之大成」´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中的張岱 --- p.81 / Chapter 1、 --- 張岱以史學家的眼光審視公安、竟陵兩派 / Chapter 2、 --- 「以堅實爲空靈」 ´ؤ´ؤ張岱對公安、竟陵兩派文學理論的融合和發展 / Chapter 第二節 --- 晚明小品文的集大成者´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中張岱的小品文 --- p.95 / Chapter 1、 --- 「張岱的文章是頗有趣味的」 ´ؤ´ؤ兼有各派之長、題材之廣的張岱小品文 / Chapter 2、 --- 「中國的新俳文」´ؤ´ؤ周作人眼中張岱小品文的文化學蘊涵 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.114 / 附錄一：周作人文學年表 --- p.116 / 附錄二 ：明小品文部分名家簡介注釋索引 --- p.156 / 參考書目

張雅茵. / "2001年9月" / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2001. / 參考文獻 (leaves 141-150) / 附中英文摘要. / "2001 nian 9 yue" / Zhang Yayin. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2001. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 141-150) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- （不）自然的中國性事 --- p.12 / Chapter (一) --- 高羅佩：「中國」人的性習慣是健康的 --- p.13 / Chapter (二) --- 何謂「健康」的性習慣？一一對高羅佩的批判… --- p.16 / Chapter (三) --- 高羅佩對中國古代性事論述的影響 --- p.26 / Chapter (四) --- 小結：看不見女性的中國性事 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二章 --- （不)柔順的儒家女性肉體 --- p.40 / Chapter (一) --- 宗法父權及儒家女性 --- p.41 / Chapter (二) --- 壓抑的女性情慾 --- p.43 / Chapter (三) --- （非)柔順的肉體 --- p.45 / Chapter (四) --- 宗法父權/父權體制對(儒家)女性情慾 及身體的監控 --- p.46 / Chapter (五) --- 小結 --- p.62 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明代(不曾）禁錮的性事文化 --- p.71 / Chapter (一) --- 從滅(人)慾到反禁欲 --- p.74 / Chapter (二) --- 儒家女性的閱讀與書寫 --- p.80 / Chapter 第四章 --- 《癡婆子傳》一一儒家女性的情慾「越軌」 --- p.93 / Chapter (一) --- 小說內容 --- p.94 / Chapter (二) --- 重新閱讀(re-reading)《癡婆子傳》 》 --- p.95 / Chapter (三) --- 宗法父權規管下的儒家女性 --- p.98 / Chapter (四) --- 道德規條下的空間 --- p.104 / Chapter (五) --- 情慾的踰越 --- p.107 / Chapter (六) --- 儒家女性的「懺悔 」 --- p.126 / Chapter (七) --- 小結 --- p.128 / 結論 --- p.135 / 參考書目 --- p.141

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