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No / The victory of former lieutenant colonel Hugo Chavez in the Venezuelan presidential elections of 1998 was criticized as a blow against the country's deep-seated democratic tradition. It is claimed that this simplistic argument fails to recognize the extent of democratic deterioration in the country and the limitations imposed by discredited political actors on a meaningful democratic reform process. The book aims to break new ground in providing unseen evidence of electoral fraud and offers a fresh perspective on the nature of democratic development.

<p>Ungdomars attityder och värderingar gentemot politik är något som sedan årtionden tillbaka undersökts. Det finns undersökningar som visar att ungdomars politiska intresse minskar. Sociologen Ulrich Beck förklarar det minskade intresset som ett led i individualiseringsprocessen, vilket är teorin i föreliggande uppsats. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en enkätundersökning i tre städer, Stockholm, Norrköping och Skänninge. I varje stad har en klass i år 9 svarat på enkäten. Enkäten består av 13 frågor varav 12 är strukturerade och en fråga är öppen. Undersökningen visar att det finns ett politiskt intresse hos de ungdomar som deltog. Dock ligger intresset i andra politiska aktiviteter än de som traditionellt tillhör denoffentliga politiken som bland annat innefattar politiska partier. Ungdomarna deltar gärna i demonstrationer, namninsamlingar och bojkotter för att visa sin politiska åsikt. Undersökningens resultat tyder på att ungdomarna deltar i individualiseringsprocessen samt att den rådande politiska strukturen och ungdomarna glider isär. Fortsätter individualiseringen tills dagens ungdomar tillträder politiken kan en omorganisering av den politiska strukturen bli aktuell.</p>

Ungdomars attityder och värderingar gentemot politik är något som sedan årtionden tillbaka undersökts. Det finns undersökningar som visar att ungdomars politiska intresse minskar. Sociologen Ulrich Beck förklarar det minskade intresset som ett led i individualiseringsprocessen, vilket är teorin i föreliggande uppsats. Uppsatsen grundar sig på en enkätundersökning i tre städer, Stockholm, Norrköping och Skänninge. I varje stad har en klass i år 9 svarat på enkäten. Enkäten består av 13 frågor varav 12 är strukturerade och en fråga är öppen. Undersökningen visar att det finns ett politiskt intresse hos de ungdomar som deltog. Dock ligger intresset i andra politiska aktiviteter än de som traditionellt tillhör denoffentliga politiken som bland annat innefattar politiska partier. Ungdomarna deltar gärna i demonstrationer, namninsamlingar och bojkotter för att visa sin politiska åsikt. Undersökningens resultat tyder på att ungdomarna deltar i individualiseringsprocessen samt att den rådande politiska strukturen och ungdomarna glider isär. Fortsätter individualiseringen tills dagens ungdomar tillträder politiken kan en omorganisering av den politiska strukturen bli aktuell.

In recent years, Latin America has taken a backseat in terms of American foreign policy. A region that is stereo typically considered unstable and violent has ceased to be important to the United States, its hemispherical neighbor and global superpower. This project sheds some light on the assumption that Latin America is wholly unstable, and recognizes the causes and effects of social, economic, historical, and political factors that play a role in whether or not a state is politically stable. The study focuses on three players from varying regions of Latin America: Costa Rica, Argentina, and Cuba. Costa Rica is often considered one of the oldest, most stable democracies in the region. Cuba and Argentina have both had dictatorships in the last century, and their economies have risen and fallen, or vice versa. This project identifies some major factors in stability in an area that is grouped together as a Hispanic culture, but has so much variety within it. The thesis sheds light on the role of conflict history, economic development, political structure, and individual leaders in defining each state's political stability. Costa Rica, Argentina, and Cuba possess varying degrees of each of these factors, and the findings provide evidence for their current status on the political spectrum.

In recent times, increasing instances of population displacement from many large dam construction projects have led to increase in anti-dam protest movements. But some of these protest movements are more successfully mobilized than others. The differences in success are largely due to the kind of political system they are based in. Studies show that formation and mobilization patterns of the protest movements are largely determined by the nature of state and its political system. However, there is lack of comparative study in this regard especially in the field of anti-dam protest movement. This thesis aims to fill that knowledge gap by comparing the anti-dam protest mobilization in Sardar Sarovar Dam, India and Three Gorges Dam, China. The Study finds that political structures have significant impact on anti-dam protest mobilization and citizens of democracy enjoy more freedom in anti-dam protest mobilization than those in authoritarian polity.

Le phénomène de la dette publique dans les démocraties contemporaines est toujours un sujet d’actualité qui mobilise aussi bien les économistes, les politologues et les historiens. La spécificité de cette thèse est qu’elle combine à la fois l’aspect économique, politique et historique de la dette publique. Elle se concentre particulièrement sur l’étude de la relation entre la dette publique et la démocratie. Selon J. Buchanan, l’ordre institutionnel d’une démocratie conduit naturellement à un accroissement de la dette publique. Inspirée de cette proposition, l’idée de cette thèse consiste à s’interroger sur les effets du système politique et démocratique sur la dette publique. Plus exactement, l’objectif consiste à expliquer la variation de la dette publique par la gouvernance politique et la distribution des préférences électorales. Nous vérifions les hypothèses formulées à l’aide d’une étude économétrique réalisée sur des échantillons composés d’une trentaine de pays et de données macroéconomiques et politiques couvrant la période 1994 – 2013. / The phenomenon of public debt in contemporary democracies is a topical subject that mobilizes economists, political scientists and historians. The particularity of this thesis is to examine the economic, political and historical aspects of public debt. It focuses on the relationship between public debt and democracy. According to J. Buchanan, democracy naturally leads to the accumulation of public debt. Inspired by this notion, the aim of this thesis is to explain the effects of the political and democratic system on public debt, specifically variations in public debt resulting from the system of governance and distribution of electoral preferences. To test these hypotheses, we developed empirical research and built a sample culled from about thirty countries consisting of macroeconomic and political data covering 1994 _ 2013.

本文定名為「明代胥吏」，因胥吏自古名目繁多，吏之一字固足以概括，但一般觀念上往往以吏為官，為免混淆起見，特於吏上加一習稱之胥字，以資分別。為便於行文間亦況用其他通行之名詞，如吏役、吏胥、吏典、吏員、掾屬、掾史、史、役、衙役、差役、公人等，胥吏既構成衙門之一環，且存在於官民所公認之慣習之中，即係一種制度，故未特予標明；冠以「明以」兩字，所以限定其時期也。 本文取材以明版（包括影印）明人之著作為主，兼及明前及清初遺老之著述，另補以少數清代攸切相關之記述，如黃六鴻之「福惠全書」，趙翼之「廿二史劄記」，「陔餘叢考」及陳宏課之「在官法戒錄」。至於斤人論著均未採用，惟導論中引述時人曾資生，嚴耕望，聶崇岐等著作，乃就古今之脈絡，作一條貫，裨導致正題，是為例外。有關吏制之問題，提要□玄，分為左列六部分： 其一，胥吏自初年之三途並進，得以吏發身而致通顯，馴致研定胥吏為一流品，終為官民所共賤。闡明其變化之所以然，指出胥吏既無前途又少待遇，主觀上有不得不謀其利之勢，此為第二章。 其二，就明代之政治結構中諸因素，分析胥吏弄權之原因，進而指陳其世業盤踞之所以然，客觀上有不得不予可假之勢，此為第三章。 其三至五，乃以胥吏之役務要項，類別編制與人事規定，作一敘述。其中役務則以考察房科制度之真相為主，以採求三班之形成為從，編制則特著重於額外之吏，而人事則以參撥陞遷與待遇為要，此為第四至第六章。 其六，就各種零星片斷之資料，能統計者則統計之，能製表者則製表之，縱非全部有代表性，但具有例示性，總歸於後，裨利於了解正文，此為附錄諸表。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelho Cunha Mendes.pdf: 782259 bytes, checksum: bbe38317b4dc61ddde81a7231220477e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The study on relations between Neoliberalism and the old State syndicate contributes to the analyses of the impacts of the syndical reform and the redefinition of the syndical structure on the actual practices of the Brazilian working class. This structure was important for the implementation of the neoliberal hegemony over the working class in this country / A o estudo das relações entre o neoliberalismo e o velho sindicato de Estado contribui para a análise dos impactos da reforma sindical e da redefinição da estrutura sindical sobre as atuais práticas da classe trabalhadora brasileira. Esta estrutura foi importante para a implementação da hegemonia neoliberal contra a classe trabalhadora

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelho Cunha Mendes.pdf: 782259 bytes, checksum: bbe38317b4dc61ddde81a7231220477e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The study on relations between Neoliberalism and the old State syndicate contributes to the analyses of the impacts of the syndical reform and the redefinition of the syndical structure on the actual practices of the Brazilian working class. This structure was important for the implementation of the neoliberal hegemony over the working class in this country / A o estudo das relações entre o neoliberalismo e o velho sindicato de Estado contribui para a análise dos impactos da reforma sindical e da redefinição da estrutura sindical sobre as atuais práticas da classe trabalhadora brasileira. Esta estrutura foi importante para a implementação da hegemonia neoliberal contra a classe trabalhadora