This study investigates the experiences of a minority group regarding the fulfilment and implementation of their minority rights within a local context. It explores the impact of this implementation on the affected minority group's trust in the political institution responsible for its execution. The research specifically focuses on examining the minority rights of Swede-Finns residing in Örebro municipality, which is an administrative area with extended minority rights for this group. The study employed qualitative interviews conducted with Swede-Finns living in Örebro municipality, followed by transcription and thematic text analysis of the interview data. In terms of theoretical perspectives, an institutional micro-perspective was adopted to interpret and analyze the results related to trust. Lipsky's theory of street-level bureaucracy and Lundqvist's theory of implementation were utilized to interpret and analyze the minority group's experiences with implementation. The findings reveal significant deficiencies in the implementation of minority rights across various areas as perceived by the minority group. Furthermore, the results suggest that the group's trust in the political institution responsible for implementation has been undermined due to the perceived long-standing failure to deliver and the perception that minority rights are not taken seriously within the local context. / <p>2023-06-01</p>

“Freedom isn't free”; an English expression that Kurds in Iran used it during Iranian revolution (1979) in a new context: a nation who wants freedom and democracy, must pay the price.This study describes what the Kurds as minority have done for freedom and democratization during the Iranian revolution; it analyses later what have the Iranian Kurds get paid. Kurdish question in Iran after the last revolution is the central question here. The purpose is to answer why the revolution as a political opportunity didn’t offer or provide the Kurds demands. The study explains why political situation in Iranian Kurdistan changed for the “worse” after revolution while they participated in the uprising with their hands and hoped for the “best”.A qualitative case study that proceeds Will Kymlicka's theory about minority rights and Robert Dahl's theory of democracy to examine the degree of both the Kurds' capacity to democratize their territory and to describe in-depth understanding of the ability of revolution and the new government to deal with Kurdish question democratically. / <p>2023-01-20</p>

Insofar as the postcolonial project is one of the elaboration of “the plurality of modernity, and the agency multiplying its forms”, my project is a contribution to this larger one in the form of a postcolonial theory of multiculturalism (Ashcroft, 2009, p. 85). Drawing from minority standpoints, arguments, and narratives, I focus on the lives and perspectives of a few broad groups in particular: indigenous peoples in Canada, Muslim women, and East Asian “immigrant” minorities. I take up a critical theory approach to framing multicultural theory and the questions it asks from the standpoints of minorities themselves, foregrounding the challenges and perspectives of racialized groups for whom their ethno-culture is morally salient and central to their own understanding of their identities and aims. This framework draws on the insights of feminist theorists of deliberative democracy but also departs from them in the crucial respect of affirming a conception of culture and identity that accepts some basic “communitarian” ideas of morality and culture, while conceiving these within a postcolonial project of cultural reclamation rather than a republican framework of the public sphere. My project is organized into two parts: The first section systematically critiques the dominant liberal multiculturalist model based on Canadian multicultural policy and theorized by Kymlicka, which is oriented by the liberal state’s perspective in its aims of integrating minorities. In the first chapter, I reject his universalist principle of liberal neutrality as the standard for justice in favour of a pluralist democratic standard that accommodates “thin” theories of the good. In the second and third chapters, I reformulate Kymlicka’s categories of “national minorities” and “polyethnic minorities” respectively in order to take account of postcolonial indigenous sovereignty and the transnational scope of ethnic identity. The second section develops a pluralist account of agency in its descriptive (Chapter 4), normative (Chapter 5), and prescriptive (Chapter 6) aspects (Deveaux 2006 p. 179). This is developed as a constructive critique of liberal standards of autonomy, particularly feminist proposals for a standard of procedural autonomy, as unable to adequately describe and assess heteronomous agency.

Uppsatsen behandlar Assyrierna/Syrianerna i Turkiet och deras kamp för erkännande som minoritet. Det eventuella turkiska medlemskapet i den Europeiska Unionen har resulterat i en diskussion kring landets minoritetspolitik och dess ovilja att erkänna vissa minoriteter. Assyrierna/Syrianerna utgör en sådan grupp som riskerar att bli utsatt för diskriminering och våld. Syftet med studien är att redogöra för relationen mellan den turkiska staten och Assyrierna/Syrianerna samt att belysa deras kamp för erkännande som minoritet. För att förstå situationen i Turkiet och få en insikt i Assyriernas/Syrianernas erfarenheter utfördes intervjuer under en fältstudie i Istanbul 2007. Det empiriska materialet är indelat i diskussioner om gruppens anspråk vilka innefattar religionsfrihet, kulturella rättigheter, språkliga rättigheter, yttrandefrihet och erkännande av folkmordet på Assyrier/Syrianer samt turkisk minoritetspolitik och Europeiska Unionens krav på Turkiet. Debatten om multikulturalism inom politisk teori används vid analys av resultaten vilken struktureras i diskussioner kring assimilering, nationalism och religion, och innebörden av erkännande. Studiens huvudresultat innefattar att minoritetens medlemmar tvingas till assimilering i huvudsak som resultat av den nationalistiska attityden i landet. Icke-erkännandet av kristna i massmedia och av offentliga personer tillsammans med marginaliseringen av Assyrierna/Syrianerna och den turkiska nationalismen skapar en situation där diskriminering och våld rättfärdigas och därmed intensifieras. / This thesis is focusing on the Assyrians/Syriacs of Turkey and their struggle for recognition in the Turkish context. The potential Turkish membership in the European Union has resulted in a discussion on the country’s minority policies and its reluctance to recognize certain minorities. The Assyrians/Syriacs constitute one of these groups that are at risk of being subjected to discrimination and violence. The aim of the study is to clarify the relation between the Turkish state and the Assyrians/Syriacs and to spread light on their struggle for recognition as a minority. In order to gain an understanding of the situation in Turkey and to get an insight in the experiences and perceptions of the Assyrians/Syriacs, interviews were conducted during a field study in Istanbul in 2007. The empirical findings are discussed in lines of the claims of the group, including freedom of religion, cultural rights, language rights, freedom of expression and the recognition of the Assyrian/Syriac genocide, as well as in terms of the Turkish policies and the demands of the European Union. The debate on multiculturalism within political theory is used to analyze the results, which are discussed in terms of assimilation, nationalism and religion, and the meaning of recognition. The main findings of the study include that the members of the minority are pressured into being assimilated into the larger society, mainly due to the nationalistic attitude in the country. Moreover, the misrecognition of Christians by the mass media and public figures together with the marginalization of the Assyrians/Syriacs and the Turkish nationalism creates a situation in the country where discrimination and violence is justified and thus enhanced.

This thesis embarks on efforts to understand how effective is multiculturalism in addressing ethnic cleavages in post-conflict societies. Kosovo, as a post-socialist and post-war country, is the particular case analyzed in order to understand how multiculturalist policies have in the last fifteen years affected interethnic relations in the country. By embarking on a case study approach, I use two main methods, interviewing and document analysis, as a means of triangulation to reinforce the arguments used in the analysis and interpretation of data. Liberal multiculturalism as elaborated by Kymlicka is the theoretical model which is used continuously to give meaning to the empirical data analyzed. The success of multiculturalism is approached in two respects: first, I look at what went wrong during the implementation of such multicultural policies, namely, the approach of international community in addressing interethnic relations through the introduction of group-rights. Secondly, I look specifically at the elements of liberal multiculturalism and how did they affect interethnic relations for the last fifteen years. The thesis shows a shared blame for the persisting fragility of interethnic relations in Kosovo both to the approach of the international community, as well as to the multiculturalist model itself.

No / This is an extended study of the achievement of cultural auonomty in Estonia (1925) and of attempts by national minoriites in Europe to promote minority rights internationally, not least by lobbying the League of Nations. / British Academy

Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui, ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités « culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes. / Will Kymlicka defends a liberal theory of minority rights, arguing that we must protect minority cultures from outside influences, as these cultures provide individuals with a meaningful context of choice that allows autonomous decision-making. This defence of minority rights limits the scope of his theory by focusing on 'cultural' minorities, that is to say, national minorities and immigrants, which can provide individuals with this meaningful context of choice. Obviously, the injustices experienced by these two types of minorities, however severe they are, do not exhaust the injustices experienced by members of minority groups and minoritized groups (i.e. sexual minorities, women, African Americans, etc.). One might be tempted to expand the scope of the theory of minority rights to account for all the injustices experienced as a minority. However, I argue that this extension is not possible within a liberal theorical framework where 'ideal theory' limits the critical force of Kymlicka’s thesis and in which the centrality of individual autonomy prevents liberals to realize that certain individual decisions contribute to the perpetuation of unjust systems, values and norms.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the minorities issue within the Turkey-European Union relations. In the study, international, European and Turkish perspectives in minority understanding will be explored, respectively. The main argument will read: &ldquo / Minorities issue is a highly politicized matter upon which neither legal nor academic standards are reached commonly in international, European or Turkish perspectives / thus, it must not constitute one of the focal points in Turkey-EU relations&rdquo / . The analyses of historical development, legal background, political influence as well as a conceptual analysis will be followed for all three perspectives. A textual and descriptive research method will be employed throughout the thesis. The conclusion will be drawn with regards to the controversial position of the minorities issue, overall, and specifically for the membership negotiations between Turkey and European Union. This road of approach would contribute to the perception of those reluctant to the political intervention of the European Union towards candidate states, as well as would help locate Turkey&rsquo / s future position regarding Protection of Minorities and minority rights.

Will Kymlicka a formulé une théorie libérale du droit des minorités en arguant que l'on doit protéger les cultures minoritaires des influences extérieures, car, selon lui, ces cultures fournissent aux individus un contexte de choix significatif qui permet la prise de décision autonome. Il limite donc la portée de sa théorie aux minorités « culturelles », c'est-à-dire les minorités nationales et immigrantes, qui peuvent fournir ce contexte de choix significatif aux individus. Évidemment, les injustices vécues par ces deux types de minorités, aussi sévères soient-elles, n'épuisent pas les expériences d'injustices vécues par les membres de groupes minoritaires et minorisés (i.e. minorités sexuelles, femmes, Afro-Américains, etc.). On pourrait donc être tenté d'élargir la portée de la théorie du droit des minorités pour rendre compte de toutes les injustices vécues en tant que minorité. Toutefois, je défends la thèse selon laquelle cette extension est impossible dans le cadre d'une théorie libérale, car une de ses méthodes typiques, la « théorie idéale », limite la portée critique des thèses de Kymlicka et parce que l'autonomie individuelle a un caractère si fondamental pour les libéraux, qu'ils ne peuvent rendre compte du fait que certaines décisions individuelles autonomes peuvent contribuer à perpétuer des systèmes et des normes injustes. / Will Kymlicka defends a liberal theory of minority rights, arguing that we must protect minority cultures from outside influences, as these cultures provide individuals with a meaningful context of choice that allows autonomous decision-making. This defence of minority rights limits the scope of his theory by focusing on 'cultural' minorities, that is to say, national minorities and immigrants, which can provide individuals with this meaningful context of choice. Obviously, the injustices experienced by these two types of minorities, however severe they are, do not exhaust the injustices experienced by members of minority groups and minoritized groups (i.e. sexual minorities, women, African Americans, etc.). One might be tempted to expand the scope of the theory of minority rights to account for all the injustices experienced as a minority. However, I argue that this extension is not possible within a liberal theorical framework where 'ideal theory' limits the critical force of Kymlicka’s thesis and in which the centrality of individual autonomy prevents liberals to realize that certain individual decisions contribute to the perpetuation of unjust systems, values and norms.

May the state, from a liberal point of view, operate laws and institutions that impede the mobile lifestyle of nomadic Roma and Travellers, or should the state take steps to accommodate their nomadic way of life? This is the essence of the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy and the question that is at the heart of this three-partite dissertation. The first part of the dissertation looks at public policy in France and the United Kingdom and describes the six public policy problems that constitute the problem of Roma and Traveller itinerancy. These problems concern the education of children, the French travel permits system, the legal conditions for voter registration and for GP registration, the housing benefits system, and the public provision of halting sites. The second part looks at liberal political theory. It suggests that contemporary liberalism divides into two strands that take different views on the entitlements of cultural and religious minorities, and it provides a detailed outline of the prime articulations of each approach, namely the multiculturalist liberalism of Kymlicka and the classic neutrality liberalism of Barry. The third part investigates what the two said liberalisms imply for the six policy problems from part 1. These analyses suggest that the two liberalisms have slightly diverging implications for the halting sites problem, the housing benefits problem and the problem of GP registration. They suggest furthermore that the two accounts converge on the question of voter registration and agree that the voter registration system must accommodate nomads, and may not make the possession of a fixed residence an absolute condition for voter registration. And the analyses suggest finally that the two liberalisms also converge over the education question and the travel permits question, but here support polices that are potentially inimical to Roma and Traveller itinerancy. The broader implications of these findings are that liberalism is potentially, but not necessarily and not intrinsically, inimical to Roma and Traveller nomadism, and that the disagreement between classic neutrality liberalism and multiculturalist liberalism is weak insofar as public policy is concerned.