Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Gustavo De Fiore.pdf: 852447 bytes, checksum: 7b94c4df789f7691ef803ba996f65cf2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-03 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The final text of the V CELAM Conference brings Missionary Discipleship as a central element for the pastoral and evangelizing action of this Church in Latin America and directly takes up the conciliar ecclesiology of People of God Church. In this sense, the missionary activity of the Latin American Church face of today's realities urges the entire People of God to assume a proactive stance where all the baptized are called, from his gifts, charisms, conditions and ministries to stay on a permanent state of mission. We can see then that this call is directed strongly to the laity. Once belonging to the mystical body of Christ, which is the Church, they are called to be protagonists and share responsibility in continuing the mission of Jesus Christ. However, despite the clarity of the document, some barriers prevent the practical application of the aspirations of the V CELAM Conference. The traditional tension between clergy and laity; the lack of a theological and integral formation of the People of God; the difficulty of dialogue between hierarchy and society; the self-indulgence and lack of awareness on the part of the laity prevent the missionary discipleship becomes, in fact, an established practice in the communities. Given these observations, this paper presents three urgencies in the Latin American Church that can stimulate missionary discipleship and prevent the Aparecida document to be summarized as a beautiful theoretical text, but without practical application: The first consists of a mentality change by the whole Church, leaving aside historical trends hierarchized; the second is investment in a theological and integral formation of the whole People of God; Finally, it is vital a reform in church structures so that the Latin American Church gets a ministerial face, where the co-responsibility and communion of all, clergy and laity in the Church's mission be recognized / O texto conclusivo da V Conferência do CELAM traz o Discipulado Missionário como elemento central para a ação pastoral e evangelizadora da Igreja presente na América Latina e retoma diretamente a eclesiologia conciliar de Igreja Povo de Deus. Nesse sentido, a ação missionária da Igreja latino-americana frente às realidades hodiernas exorta todo o Povo de Deus a assumir uma postura proativa, onde todos os batizados são chamados, a partir de seus dons, carismas, condições e ministérios, a se colocarem em estado permanente de missão. Percebe-se então que esse chamado é direcionado com muita força aos leigos. Uma vez pertencentes ao corpo místico de Cristo que é a Igreja são chamados a serem protagonistas e corresponsáveis na continuidade da missão de Jesus Cristo. Contudo, apesar da clareza do documento, algumas barreiras impedem a aplicação prática dos anseios da V Conferência do CELAM. A tradicional tensão entre clero e leigos; a carência de uma formação teológica e integral do Povo de Deus; a dificuldade de diálogo entre hierarquia e sociedade; o comodismo e a falta de uma tomada de consciência por parte dos leigos impedem que o discipulado missionário se torne, de fato, uma prática constante nas comunidades. Diante dessas observações, o presente trabalho apresenta três urgências na Igreja da América Latina que podem estimular o discipulado missionário e evitar que o Documento de Aparecida se resuma a um belo texto teórico, porém, sem aplicação prática: A primeira delas consiste em uma mudança de mentalidade por parte de toda a Igreja, deixando de lado tendências hierarquizantes históricas; a segunda consiste no investimento em uma formação teológica e integral de todo Povo de Deus; por fim, é fundamental uma reforma nas estruturas eclesiais a fim de que a Igreja latino-americana adquira um rosto ministerial, onde seja reconhecida a corresponsabilidade e a comunhão de todos, clérigos e leigos na missão de Igreja

Missionary zeal in Washington, D.C. was at its height during the two decades following the opening of the Civil War. Religious organizations and their affiliates descended upon the city as its black population swelled from 10,983 in 1860 to 48,377 in 1880 - one of the largest urban black populations in the United States. Ten years after the first missionaries of the American Missionary Association (AMA) began evangelizing in the District of Columbia, AMA teachers initiated the instruction of contraband, freedmen, and free blacks in the fundamentals of education. The mission was to retool and prepare blacks in the transition from slavery to freedom. Given the numerous milestones in understanding missionary work (labor) in the rural south, little has been said about missionary activities in urban/metropolitan south by historians whose foci has been the deep south, aspects of missionary duties, and notable personnel. This study focuses on one missionary organization that significantly contributed to the urbanization of blacks in Washington, D.C. - to determine the outcome of its work in the life of free men and women in the city and to understand the origins of its historical legitimacy and legacy. At the center of this study were more than five thousand American Missionary Association (AMA) digital frames of papers which provide a clear understanding of what took place during this critical period. From such papers, personnel, ideas, and occurrences can be closely followed to reconfigure the organization's past. Additionally, records of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands provided a more concise view of the AMA's effects on the black community of Washington. Combined with more traditional sources, those materials have broadened the way to a better understanding of the nature of the black experience and the factors which shaped that urban experience in Washington, D.C. after the Civil War. The enormity of the challenge was so great that a few missions and mission workers folded soon after they began - leaving those who most needed to be rescued to fend for themselves. For most missionaries, the call to mission work had a deeper meaning that was displayed in the inner sanctum of the organization's relief - in their efforts to normalize the lives of the freedmen and freemen with traditional institutions such as the schools, churches, and work. The inability of the AMA's mission work among the black community in Washington to make greater social, economic, and religious strides by the end of the Reconstruction Era, is tied to the uniqueness of Washington, D.C. and the organization; the shear size of the migration and nature of the city left an overwhelming void that was impossible to fulfill. Ultimately, it was those who were first responders that failed to provide comprehensive aid in the transition from slavery to freedom - to bring a permanent program that lifted blacks in Washington out of lower class bondage. The combination of staffing issues, poor administration, high mindedness, a burgeoning missionary field, and Republican influence did not allow the American Missionary Association to commit fully to lasting change among Washington, D.C.'s black population. Thus upon the exodus of missionaries and benevolent associations, those who made it to the "promised land" were left with nothin' but `ligion.

Esta pesquisa tem como objeto de estudo a experiência missionária dos capuchinhos franceses, da província de Bretanha, no Estado do Brasil, entre os anos de 1642 e 1702. A chegada destes missionários não integrava os percursos coloniais portugueses, visto que estavam sujeitos à Sagrada Congregação de Propagação da Fé, e não ao padroado régio, além de serem súditos de El Rei Cristianíssimo, Luís XIII. Mesmo assim, estes religiosos puderam se estabelecer no Brasil, auxiliando na guerra de Restauração de Pernambuco. O trabalho missionário dos capuchinhos bretões entre os índios tapuias, no sertão nordeste, se iniciou apenas em 1670, atuando no avanço da colonização para o interior do território, juntamente com a atividade pecuária e a busca por minas de ouro, prata e salitre. Nesse sentido, colaboraram com a ocidentalização da empresa colonial portuguesa, mas nem por isso deixaram de entrar em conflito com agentes da mesma colonização. Contudo, a partir de 1687, novos capuchinhos franceses estiveram impedidos de entrar no Estado do Brasil e, em 1702, os últimos religiosos deixaram a colônia. Visando a uma melhor compreensão da permanência destes missionários na colônia, fez-se necessário uma investigação acerca das relações políticas e diplomáticas entre Portugal e França, durante o século XVII. A partir desta abordagem, será possível esclarecer o motivo pelo qual foram tolerados pela Coroa portuguesa, durante os sessenta anos em que missionaram no Estado do Brasil, bem como as causas que motivaram a sua saída da colônia. / This research has the French Capuchins (from Brittany province) missionaries experience as object study, on State of Brazil (Estado do Brasil), between 1642 and 1702. The missionaries arrival were not part from Portuguese colonial plan, once they reported to the Sacred Flock of Faith Advance, and hence not to the Regal Patronage. Besides that, they were subjects to the Most Christian King, Luís XIII. Even though, these religious could establish their selves on Brazil, helping on the Pernambuco Restoration war. The Brittany capuchins missionary work with the tapuias Indians, at northeast rugged region, has began only on 1670, acting on territory countryside colonization advance, besides husbandry activities and gold, silver and saltpeter mines searching. In this way, they supported the Portuguese colonial company occidentalization, but it did not avoid a conflict with these colonization agents. However, from 1687 on, new French capuchins were suppressed to get into State of Brazil and, on 1702, the last religious left the colony. In order to understand better these missionaries stay on colony, the politician and diplomatic relationships between Portugal and France during the XVII century has been investigated. Based on this analysis, it was possible to clarify the real reasons for Portuguese Crown toleration with the capuchins, during all the 60 years they spent on State of Brazil, as well the causes that led to their exit from the colony.

The embeddedness of Pentecostal/Charismatic tenets within contemporary global frameworks of transnational power reveals the ability of religion to shape the sociocultural and spiritual experiences of people on the move from one place to another. For this reason, sociologists of religion and scholars of World Christianity have noted the rapid missionary expansion of African Pentecostal/Charismatic movements to the northern hemisphere. Some have even referred to the missionary work of non-western forms of Christianity in the western world as the ‘Southernisation of European Christianity’. But if the aggressive strategies adopted by African Pentecostal/Charismatic churches in the western diaspora are intended to reawaken Christianity in Europe, what then is the motivation for intra-African Pentecostal/Charismatic movements in traversing national boundaries, with their distinctive version of the Christian faith, making Africa a theatre in which Christian missionaries are both sent and received? This thesis examines the intra-African missionary praxis of a highly influential Nigerian Pentecostal/Charismatic church, the Winners’ Chapel, and its accompanying power dynamics in Cameroon from 1996 to 2016. Using a qualitative research approach, the study examines the character of transnational Pentecostal/Charismatic movements in Africa, using Winners’ Chapel in Cameroon as a case study. After an investigation of the emergence of the church, the study examines the various strategies used to achieve and maintain control of the mother church in Nigeria over its daughter church in Cameroon, such as the deployment of Nigerian missionaries, the use of Nigerian-defined Winners’ Chapel tenets in Cameroon, the place of sermons and testimonies, and the role of the media. The thesis studies the conflicts of loyalty and contestations that emerge between Nigerian Winners’ Chapel missionaries to Cameroon and their Cameroonian colleagues in Cameroon. It concludes with an assessment of how far Winners’ Chapel can be said to contribute to the provision of social capital and empowerment in Cameroon. The findings in this study provide a significant and original contribution to the understanding of how power dynamics can operate within complex relationships between transnational Pentecostal/Charismatic actors (missionaries), and their receiving countries colleagues in the continent of Africa. It also contributes to the literature on African Pentecostalism but offers fresh insights into the encounters, contestations, and resistance that emerge between ‘founder-owners’ and recruited workers of intra-African Pentecostal/Charismatic Movements. By appropriating international relations concepts such as Joseph Nye’s ideas of ‘soft power’ and concepts in the sociology of religion such as Peggy Levitt’s ‘remittances’, popularised by Afe Adogame, the study potentially unveils the nexus between international relations, the sociology of religion and development within Pentecostalist transnational discourses in Africa.

Esta tese tem como objetivo a análise de fontes escritas nos contextos das missões jesuítas estabelecidas na corte mogol e no Tibete. Abordamos também a presença da Ordem em Bengala, tecendo relações entre esse espaço e as missões supracitadas. Nosso recorte cronológico cobre o período de 1570 até 1721, isto é, iniciamos nossas investigações na década que antecede o estabelecimento dos religiosos na corte de Akbar, e encerramos nossas análises no ano em que Ippolito Desideri deixa Lhasa. Concentramo-nos principalmente na questão da necessária relação entre as estratégias de conversão adotadas nessas missões e a (re) elaboração de categorias que indicassem e respaldassem o diálogo, a persuasão e o convencimento como os mais prudentes métodos catequéticos / In this thesis, we aim to analyze written sources produced by jesuits stablished at the Mughal court and in Tibet. We shall also approach the presence of the Order in Bengal, weaving relations between this space and the aforementioned missions. Our chronological limits concerns the period from 1570 to 1721, i.e., we began our investigations in the decade preceding the establishment of the jesuits in Akbars court, and resume our survey in Ippolito Desideris last year in Lhasa. We focus mainly on the necessary relationship between the conversion strategies adopted in these missions and the (re) elaboration of categories that indicate dialogue and persuasion as the most prudent catechetical method

A pesquisa aqui apresentada tem como tema principal a análise da correspondência relativa à missão jesuíta no Tibet, de 1624 a 1635, já publicada. Nosso corpus documental é composto por seis cartas: três do Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627) e as demais de João Cabral (1626), Estevão de Cacela (1627) e Francisco Azevedo (1631). Pretendemos analisar as descrições dos budistas tibetanos presentes nas cartas e relacioná-las com as estratégias defendidas e desenvolvidas no Tibet durante este primeiro período de estabelecimento da Companhia de Jesus no teto do mundo. Como documentação subsidiária, utilizaremos outras cartas e documentos anteriores e contemporâneos à missão abordada aqui, tais como cartas de jesuítas da missão Mogol. / The main goal of the present research is the analysis of the tibetan mission mail trade, from 1624-35, wich were already published. The documents to be analysed are three letters from Padre Antônio de Andrade (1624, 1626, 1627), plus João Cabrals (1626), Estevão de Cacelas (1627) and Francisco Azevedos (1631). Our intention is to analyse the descriptions of the tibetan budhists, as they appear in the letters, and then relate them with the methods of convertion that took place in the tibetan mission during this first period of Jesuit settling in the roof of the world. As adicional documentation, we used former and later letters and documents from the mughal mission.

<p>The purpose with this thesis is to analyse the image of the Chinese that was constructed and maintained in the materials published in association to the Swedish Mission Covenant Church (SMF) missionary work in China between the years of 1890 to 1914.</p><p>The analysed material is mainly from the periodical Missionsförbundet, the analyse also include various books, biographies and anthologies. Inspired by Michel Foucault I found my methodological starting point in his discourse term. Frome there, by the help of the texts of Torjer A. Olsen, I constructed a discourse analyses, by which I analysed my materials.</p><p>The survey showed that the material associated to SMF foremost constructed a negative pictureof the Chinese as unclean, conservative, arrogant, liars, greedy, loud, bad singers and that the woman situation was seen as untenable. A more appreciative picture also emerged and the Chinese was described as polite and strong. But this image had restrictions that made the first positive impression fade away, as an example the missionaries often questioned the motive behind the Chinese friendliness and regarded it as a mean to manipulate.</p><p>In common to many of the characteristics was their connection to the larger dichotomy civilisation- barbary. The missionaries did not only represent Christianity they were also, according to themselves, the represents of civilisation. And the ascribed characteristics thus took theform of contrasting pictures that portrayed the heathen barbary Chinese. I saw the comprehensive negative image as a result of the missionaries need to legitimate their activity and as aproduct of the above described thinking in dichotomy terms.</p><p>The Chinese picture was not a picture of the Chinese per se, but a image of the ”Other”. The displayed characteristics is by no means restricted to only include the Chinese or to be seen asonly a historical conception, with no or little relevance to ”our” (post)modern society - look closely at the newspapers of today and you will find the same images in the reports from theso called ”developing countries”, the dirt, the mistreated woman, the greedy and corrupt leaders. What is then my point, am I saying that this picture is misleading? I lack the knowledgeto make such a claim, my intention is to attentive the genealogy of thought, to show that the free thought in some (or the most) cases are not so free. And in this lies also the thesis scientific value.</p>

<p>In the New Testament different pictures of a Christian woman are presented, not only thepicture of someone who is nursing and caring, but also the picture of someone who is learningand being educated.Women are put into systems of gender which form them, and throughout the years the pictureof women has been that they primarily should be caring and nursing, not learning.Both of these pictures exist within the Swedish Missionary Society, a society that has not hadany constitution to comply with until 1964, which meant that each person could make his owninterpretation of the Bible and its texts.This essay examines how fifty-year-old women are pictured within the Swedish MissionarySociety 1945-1970, assuming that women who want to serve Jesus have to be prepared togive up their traditional role of nursing and caring, and focus on learning instead.The research method is qualitative, and the written sources are from a regional Christianweekly publication. The essay does not present an unambiguous picture of fifty-year-oldnonconformist women, but the results show that they are not being related to children, that themajority has a higher education than elementary school, and that many of them are addressedto as “Mrs”.</p>

This dissertation focuses on Archbishop Alonso de Montúfar OP (ca. 1489-1572). It seeks to explore two decades of sixteenth century Mexican Church History mainly through the study of documents found in Spanish and Mexican archives. Born outside Granada in Southern Spain, just after the conquest from the Muslims, Alonso de Montúfar assumed teaching and leading positions within the Dominican order. After more than forty years as a friar, Montúfar was elected archbishop of Mexico and resided there from 1554 until his death eighteen years later. From the 1520s onwards, many missionaries went from Spain to Mexico in order to christianise the native inhabitants and to administer the church’s sacraments to them. Many of the missionaries were members of three mendicant orders: the Franciscans, the Dominicans, and the Augustinians. Alonso de Montúfar’s time as archbishop can be seen as a period of transition and a time that was filled with disputes on how the church in Mexico should be organised in the future. Montúfar wanted to strengthen the role of the bishops in the church organisation. He also wanted to improve the finances of the diocesan church and promote a large number of secular clerics to work in the Indian ministry. All this meant that he became involved in prolonged and very animated disputes with the friars, the members of the cathedral chapter, and the viceroy of Mexico. One chapter of this dissertation is devoted to a detailed study of Archbishop Montúfar’s role in the early cult of Our Lady of Guadalupe in Tepeyac, which today has become of the most important Marian devotions in the world.

The purpose with this thesis is to analyse the image of the Chinese that was constructed and maintained in the materials published in association to the Swedish Mission Covenant Church (SMF) missionary work in China between the years of 1890 to 1914. The analysed material is mainly from the periodical Missionsförbundet, the analyse also include various books, biographies and anthologies. Inspired by Michel Foucault I found my methodological starting point in his discourse term. Frome there, by the help of the texts of Torjer A. Olsen, I constructed a discourse analyses, by which I analysed my materials. The survey showed that the material associated to SMF foremost constructed a negative pictureof the Chinese as unclean, conservative, arrogant, liars, greedy, loud, bad singers and that the woman situation was seen as untenable. A more appreciative picture also emerged and the Chinese was described as polite and strong. But this image had restrictions that made the first positive impression fade away, as an example the missionaries often questioned the motive behind the Chinese friendliness and regarded it as a mean to manipulate. In common to many of the characteristics was their connection to the larger dichotomy civilisation- barbary. The missionaries did not only represent Christianity they were also, according to themselves, the represents of civilisation. And the ascribed characteristics thus took theform of contrasting pictures that portrayed the heathen barbary Chinese. I saw the comprehensive negative image as a result of the missionaries need to legitimate their activity and as aproduct of the above described thinking in dichotomy terms. The Chinese picture was not a picture of the Chinese per se, but a image of the ”Other”. The displayed characteristics is by no means restricted to only include the Chinese or to be seen asonly a historical conception, with no or little relevance to ”our” (post)modern society - look closely at the newspapers of today and you will find the same images in the reports from theso called ”developing countries”, the dirt, the mistreated woman, the greedy and corrupt leaders. What is then my point, am I saying that this picture is misleading? I lack the knowledgeto make such a claim, my intention is to attentive the genealogy of thought, to show that the free thought in some (or the most) cases are not so free. And in this lies also the thesis scientific value.