Objetivo: Evaluar la validez del Cuestionario MORES (Male Osteoporosis Risk Estimation Score-MORES) en el tamizaje de osteoporosis masculina teniendo como examen de referencia a la densitometría ósea. Metodología: Se realizó un estudio cuantitativo, análitico, prospectivo y correlacional en 100 pacientes con densitometría ósea agrupados en: 50 con osteoporosis y 50 sin osteoporosis. Se les realizó un examen físico y aplicó el cuestionario MORES. Se obtuvo el consentimiento informado, luego se elaboró una base informática en el programa SPSS.21 y se realizó un análisis estadístico descriptivo, prueba de correlación de Pearson, curva ROC y tabla de doble entrada para obtener la sensibilidad-especificidad. Se obtuvo las pruebas del chi cuadrado y T de Student con significancia estadística p<0.05. Resultados: La edad media de los varones estudiados fue mayor en los que tenían osteoporosis (65.58±11.08 vs. 57.38±7.85 años respectivamente). El sedentarismo, consumo excesivo de café y la inmovilización prolongada resultaron ser factores de riesgo para osteoporosis masculina (p<0.001) y tabaquismo (p<0.05), 96% eran osteoporosis primaria y 8% osteoporosis grave. La sensibilidad del cuestionario de MORES para tamizaje de osteoporosis masculina fue del 96%, especificidad del 88%, valor predictivo positivo de 89% y valor predictivo negativo de 96%. correlación de Pearson (r=0.843) y área bajo la curva ROC de 0.980 Conclusiones: El cuestionario MORES es válido para el tamizaje de la osteopenia/osteoporosis para la población masculina mestiza mayor de 50 años.

Both Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Plato offer doctrines of the great legislator, that highly virtuous figure who designs foundational laws for a political community, in order to shed light on the problem of legislation. This problem is that positive law is incapable of achieving the ends in political life that are expected of it, even though it is understood to be the chief tool at the disposal of the lawgiver. Close consideration of Rousseau’s and Plato’s political texts reveals that both philosophers are in agreement about the limited function of positive law, insofar as its exclusive purpose is to forestall the ills of human life. But they also agree that the effectiveness of legislation requires something more: the condition of effective laws is a comprehensive system of civic education, directed primarily at the passions, through which individual human beings are turned into good citizens. Taking into account the extreme difficulty of establishing such educational institutions, both Rousseau and Plato put forward doctrines of the legislator to indicate what sort of figure could possibly accomplish this task with success. The study finds that the two philosophers’ conceptions of the legislator are by and large similar, and finally, that they both express pessimism on the capacity of laws to promote the good life.

Both Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Plato offer doctrines of the great legislator, that highly virtuous figure who designs foundational laws for a political community, in order to shed light on the problem of legislation. This problem is that positive law is incapable of achieving the ends in political life that are expected of it, even though it is understood to be the chief tool at the disposal of the lawgiver. Close consideration of Rousseau’s and Plato’s political texts reveals that both philosophers are in agreement about the limited function of positive law, insofar as its exclusive purpose is to forestall the ills of human life. But they also agree that the effectiveness of legislation requires something more: the condition of effective laws is a comprehensive system of civic education, directed primarily at the passions, through which individual human beings are turned into good citizens. Taking into account the extreme difficulty of establishing such educational institutions, both Rousseau and Plato put forward doctrines of the legislator to indicate what sort of figure could possibly accomplish this task with success. The study finds that the two philosophers’ conceptions of the legislator are by and large similar, and finally, that they both express pessimism on the capacity of laws to promote the good life.

Submitted by PPGH null (poshisto@ufba.br) on 2017-06-13T13:37:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Luís Siqueira.pdf: 5888600 bytes, checksum: a09cd16b851ab3686b5d45a4ce74d379 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Uillis de Assis Santos (uillis.assis@ufba.br) on 2017-06-27T23:46:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Luís Siqueira.pdf: 5888600 bytes, checksum: a09cd16b851ab3686b5d45a4ce74d379 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-27T23:46:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Luís Siqueira.pdf: 5888600 bytes, checksum: a09cd16b851ab3686b5d45a4ce74d379 (MD5) / CAPES / Esta tese investiga as atuações dos capitães mores em Sergipe del Rey no período de 1648 a 1743. Selecionados pelo Conselho Ultramarino mediante processo que elencava um conjunto de condições para serem nomeados pelo rei, esses militares tiveram papel fundamental no que diz respeito à defesa territorial, à administração e à exploração da colônia brasileira. A partir de fontes manuscritas e impressas provenientes de arquivos portugueses e brasileiros buscou-se compreender o processo de recrutamento de soldados provenientes do exército regular português para o cargo cimeiro da capitania. O trabalho teve duas hipóteses: a primeira refere-se a não alienação do território por parte da Coroa portuguesa por causa da notícia de prata e da localização da capitania situada entre Bahia e Pernambuco; a segunda considera que a capitania exerceu poder de atração nos militares interessados no cargo a ponto de estes optarem por participarem dos editais de seleção. Por meio da técnica da prosopografia evidenciou-se um número de trinta e quatro comandantes nomeados, dentre os quais vinte e três exerceram o governo na segunda metade dos seiscentos e onze na primeira metade do século XVIII. Na análise empreendida sobre a atuação desses governantes, constatou-se que uns cumpriram as determinações legais para governar a localidade e outros divergiram, causando problemas administrativos. Na capitania sergipana, além de nomear comandantes, os reis da dinastia de Bragança efetivaram controle e exploração do território adotando estratégias de caráter econômico e militar mediante processo de recolonização com a doação de sesmarias, incentivo às atividades criatórias, buscas de metais precisos, produção de gêneros alimentícios e militarização do território cujo modelo de defesa esteve baseado na vigília dos portos, de estradas e caminhos, de foz dos rios e reconstrução de São Cristóvão para servir como cidade-forte. Nesse território de jurisdição real, chegou-se ao resultado de que mesmos os comandantes que causaram problemas na governabilidade atuaram na capitania cumprindo funções de defesa, fiscais, políticas e auxiliar da justiça local. A correspondência dos governadores gerais para esses governantes ordenando, reprimindo, desautorizando e elogiando ações constataram que a Coroa portuguesa também garantiu as bases da colonização na América portuguesa a partir Sergipe del Rey.

The diploma thesis, Selected Problems of Maintenance with Particular Focus on Good Morals, deals with legal matters of maintenance mainly in connection to the aspect of good morals (boni mores) which represents the principal of equity and is the moral extension of legal provisions under the law of the Czech Republic. The purpose of the thesis is to identify the most frequent issues that are being dealt with and describe their legal solution in accordance with the legislation valid and effective till the end of 2013 and under the new legislation after the recodification of the Czech civil law, effective from the 1st of January 2014. The doctrine of boni mores and legal provisions regarding maintenance have both met some changes in terms of interpretation and application since the recodification. Maintenance and good morals are researched together, they are researched one in connection to the other one, in this diploma thesis because the previous legislation established a special linkage between them which resulted in a considerable amount of case law that needs to be revisited. The thesis is divided into 5 chapters which are further divided into subchapters. The first chapter is focused on the theoretical basis of the doctrine of boni mores, the role it plays in the Czech legal system, the meaning...

As early as Tacitus, Livian scholarship has struggled to resolve the "Livian paradox," the conflict between Livy's support of the Roman Republic and his overt approval of Augustus, who brought about the end of the Republic. This paper addresses the paradox by attempting to place Livy's writings within their proper historical and literary context. An examination of Augustus' position during the early years of Livy's writing shows that the princeps cloaked his power within the precedent of Republican autocracy, in which imperium could be unlimited in power so long as it was limited by time. As a result, although Augustus' rule would ultimately prove the end of Rome's republic, nevertheless during Livy's early writings Augustus' reign and the Republic were not antithetical. Livy's preface and early exempla further demonstrate that Livy's writings, while condemnatory of his contemporary Rome, blame Rome's decline on the character of the Roman people rather than a corruption of the Republic's political forms. In his preface Livy blames vitia, not ambitio for the universal destruction of the civil wars, while his exempla from the monarchic period and beyond show praise or condemnation of individuals for their actions, not their political offices. Livy praises most of Rome's monarchs for their individual character and their establishment of mores, while also portraying the early Romans' defense of libertas as injuriously overzealous. Ultimately, Augustus' attempts to legislate conservative, "traditional" morality made him a contemporary exemplum of Livy's ancient mores. Thus, the Livian paradox is answered by understanding that Augustus and the Republic were not antithetical, Livy was not concerned with political forms but morality, and Augustus' morality aligned with that championed by Livy.

The present study investigates the failure of the Enlightenment to liberate Englishwomen from the prejudices society and law imposed upon them. Classifying social classes by lifestyle, the roles of noble, middleclass, and criminal women, as well as the attitudes of contemporary writers of both sexes, are analyzed. This investigation concludes that social mores limited noblewomen to ornamental roles and condemned them to exist in luxurious boredom; forced middle-class women to emulate shining domestic images which contrasted sharply with the reality of their lives; subjected women of desperate circumstances to a criminal code rendered erratic and inconsistent by contemporary attitudes, and impelled the Enlightenment to invent new defenses for old attitudes toward women.

Ce travail analyse le dancehall, dernière forme en date de la musique jamaïcaine, à travers les questions de violence et de sexualité. Cette musique rencontre des difficultés sur le plan local et international non seulement à cause des thématiques abordées mais aussi par la manière dont elles sont traitées. Ainsi, le traitement de la violence à travers le gun talk, ces textes faisant l’apologie des armes à feu, entraîne des critiques, on leur reproche d’être des incitations à la violence physique, psychologique, au désordre social et on juge leur influence négative. Par ailleurs, l’approche très explicite et très crue de la sexualité entraîne également des critiques du fait de la teneur misogyne et homophobe de certaines chansons.Par conséquent, cette étude du dancehall explique les raisons pour lesquelles le contexte particulier de la Jamaïque a conduit à ce genre de propos. Puis, elle démontre que les textes incriminés pour homophobie ou misogynie renferment une codification de la sexualité qui va au-delà de l’orientation sexuelle et de l’opposition hétérosexualité/homosexualité, pour ériger un modèle valorisant et valorisé en termes de pratiques sexuelles (le coït pénis/vagin). Pour répondre à ces questions, cette analyse s’appuie sur une série d’outils offrant une vision cohérente de cette musique : les travaux précédents sur le dancehall, les traductions d’un large éventail de chansons, l’utilisation de l’Internet qui permet de suivre les derniers déroulements de ce phénomène culturel en constante évolution et enfin les entretiens et les enquêtes menés sur le terrain. / Completely different to play a part in the social unrest that this country is facing. The second part of the thesis focuses on the issues of violence and sexuality in dancehall music. It shows how politics and religion have a strong influence on the population and offer some legitimacy to the lyrics which lead to the controversies surrounding dancehall music. On the one hand, religion is the cornerstone of this society (although Jamaicans have integrated some principles and do not pay much attention to others) and determines what should be endorsed or rejected. On the other hand, the politicians apply some sort of physical and psychological violence to maintain their leading position. In addition, these politicians rely on the contempt for homosexuality to create cohesion within a society that is deeply characterized by divisions and tensions of all kinds. In the Jamaican context that is deeply influenced by patriarchal values, the individuals of the lower social strata (especially males) who experience difficulties to obtain a valorizing social status can turn to violence and criminal activities, and will hang to heterosexuality and “moral” sexual practices as vehicles to restored self-esteem (this vision of sexuality is one of the only valorizing aspects of masculinity that any individual can rely on regardless of their social status). Consequently, these sexual archetypes are expressed through the lyrics of dancehall music and are promoted by the artists of dancehall, self-proclaimed spokesperson for the Jamaican population. The third part addresses the issue of the perception of dancehall music on the international level through the issue of sexuality and homosexuality. This part shows that even though the language used by the artists can be hardly understood, some lyrics leave the listeners with different way of interpreting the message, especially when it comes to threatening some people physically or psychologically on the ground of sexual orientations and practices. These songs which express strong criticism towards some individuals have triggered vehement reactions from sexual minority groups. Different campaigns on the international level have forced the artists to tone down their lyrics. These campaigns show how the music is also utilized by these gay groups to fight against discrimination. Because of or thanks to the media attention that Jamaican music enjoys, the homosexuals are able to expose to the public opinion the physical and psychological violence they are experiencing in Jamaica. In addition, the close geographic, cultural and economic relationship between Jamaica and the USA shows, on the one hand, how homosexuality is perceived on the island as an imposed foreign value and on the other hand, how this Caribbean country is labeled as a homophobic nation. And finally, the influence of Jamaica on the international level allows us to analyze dancehall music in the French Caribbean islands. This chapter shows how these local artists can use the Jamaican codes and adapt them to their own reality when they correspond with the values of their own society.

La révolution de 1789 fit émerger, face à une société jusqu’alors conçue comme une entité, un nouvel individu désireux d’affirmer sa singularité. À la morale chrétienne qui se réfère à Dieu, les philosophes du XVIIIe siècle, et plus particulièrement Kant, ont voulu substituer une morale où l’homme serait, selon le mot de Protagoras, mesure de toutes choses. Cependant, l’individu devait encore se conformer à ce que Kant nomme l’impératif catégorique, et supporter une adhésion forcée à des valeurs communes. La morale a été progressivement ressentie comme autoritaire et illégitime ; certains ont voulu ne voir en elle que les valeurs d’une société bourgeoise. Les années 1960 donnèrent donc naissance à une morale individuelle, qui a pris le nom d’éthique. Ces bouleversements n’ont pas été sans répercussions profondes sur le droit des personnes et de la famille. Aussi les bonnes moeurs ont-elles disparu du droit de la famille pour laisser la place en droit des personnes à la dignité humaine : à la conception d’un droit-modèle succéda celle d’un droit-principe. La notion de dignité ne fut consacrée dans le Code civil français que fort tardivement, ce qui explique l’absence de consensus concernant sa définition. On peut regretter qu’une telle fragilité ait pu entraîner la dilution de ce principe, voire sa transformation en un droit subjectif ; elle n’oppose alors qu’une faible résistance à l’avènement de l’autonomie personnelle, construite en porte-à-faux par la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme sur l’article 8 et le consentement de l’individu. Dans cette sphère européenne, l’individu a gagné le droit d’opérer des choix sur son corps, quelque dangereux qu’ils soient, et peut-être même la liberté de renoncer au bénéfice des droits énoncés dans la Convention. Il apparaît donc essentiel de redéfinir la dignité, rempart contre la réification de l’être humain, autour des concepts de liberté et d’égalité. Dès lors, d’une logique néfaste de concurrence entre la dignité et l’autonomie, pourra renaître un véritable rapport de complémentarité et de hiérarchie / After the French revolution, in front of a holist society hitherto, the willingness of a new individual to affirm his singularity did emerge. Whilst the Christian morality referred to God, the XVIIIth century philosophers, especially Kant, wanted to substitute a morality where, according to the words of Protagoras, man would be the measure of anythings. The individual, however, still had to conform to what Kant names the categorical imperative, and to support for shared values. The morality became gradually felt as authoritative and illegitimate, the middle-class values. The 60’s let rise an individual morality, which took the name of ethics. These upheavals were not without major effects on law of persons and family law. Boni mores disappeared therefore from family law to give way to human dignity in law of persons: to the conception of a model law that of a principle law did succeed. The concept of dignity was only tardily devoted in the Civil code: that could explain the absence of consensus concerning its definition. One can consider it regrettable that such a fragility could involve the dilution of this principle, and even its transformation into a subjective right; it does not oppose whereas a low resistance to the advent of personal autonomy, awkwardly built by the European Court of the human rights on the article 8 and the individual consent. The individual gained the right to operate choices on his body, however dangerous they are, and perhaps even freedom to give up the benefit of rights stated in the Convention. It thus appears essential to redefine dignity, a rampart against the reification of human being,around the concepts of freedom and equality. Consequently, from a harmful logic of competition between dignity and autonomy, a true relation of complementarity and hierarchy between these two concepts will be able to reappear.

In 1948 and 1949, three doctoral students in sociology and anthropology conducted ethnographic fieldwork in York, SC (called Kent), a mill town. Through interviews, white town elites, black mill workers, and white mill workers revealed their lives to the scholars. What resulted were three remarkable studies on southern town life in the immediate post World War II period. Although segregation had begun to weaken in the face of postwar socioecomic change, it still held whites and blacks in its grip. The “thick description” of community life provided by the ethnographic interviews, as well as the authors’ analysis of life in York, makes these three books invaluable still to scholars of the history and sociology of the South.