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Within the span of less than a decade, Russian teachers have lived through the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of Communist rule, the emergence of a free market economy and levels of inflation which have pushed much of the population into poverty. Restrictive government poliies have been replaced with an infrastructure often described as corrupt and infeffective. New laws on education now allow for innovative curriculums and methodology, but economic restrictions have limited much possiblity for change. The purpose of this descriptive study is to examine the perceptions of Moscow educators regarding public educaion and society in Russia. Selected teachers were surveyed and interviewed about their perceptions of recent soical, political and economic changes within Russia; communism and the future of communism in Russia; democracy in Russia; schooling, students and teachers in general in Moscow; the creditation and training of educators in Russia; their responsibilities as educators in Russia; and the future of their individual professional lives. The study discusses the context of education and schooling in Moscow, provides data from a Likert type quesitonnaire and personal interviews, discusses the quantitative and qualitative data and uses a one way analysis of variance (ANOVA) with teachers' age as the variable. Major findings include teachers' perceptions that the political and economic changes in Russia are "inevitable." Teachers' lives continue to be restricted, however, that restriction is dictated by economics as opposed to political repression. The fall of the communist state is considered desirable and teachers are unsure if the communist party will ever again form the government of Russia. Teachers do not consider themselves to be "free" or Russia to be a true democracy, and most are undecided if Russia will become a true democracy in their lifetime. As well, the quality of public education is seen to have suffered since the end of the Soviet state with severe underfunding limiting the opportunities for innovative practice. Teachers, however, believe that educators in Russia are well- prepared to be professional teachers in post-communist Russia. They also believe that teachers are responsible for fostering a sense of Russian nationalism and instilling proper values in students. They have an important role to play in shaping Russian society in the future and are optimistic about the future of the teaching profession and the role they will play in determing that future. / 1 v. (various pagings) ; 29 cm.

This diploma project is about the assessment of the information system of the Czech branch of the American company Sherwin-Williams, which is the world's leading supplier of paints, colours, varnishes, stains and mastics. In the Czech Republic, production is concentrated on the wood surface treatment and other related materials for industrial production. In this work, the analysis of the current Microsoft Dynamics NAV Information System in version 5.0 is performed. The main objective of this analysis is to optimize important processes and to eliminate system weaknesses.

Denna uppsats redovisar en kvalitativ textanalys av nyhetsrapporteringen om kemattacken utanför Syriens huvudstad Damaskus i tre engelskspråkiga tidningar i USA, Ryssland och Libanon. Studien jämför nyhetsrapportering i The New York Times (USA), The Moscow Times (Ryssland) och The Daily Star Lebanon (Libanon). Underlaget för studien är material publicerat under tre perioder och består sammantaget av 35 artiklar.. Den första perioden utspelar sig de första två dagarna efter kemattacken i Damaskus förorter. Andra perioden utspelar sig dagen före och efter att Syriens regim pekas ut som ansvarig av USA:s utrikesminister. Den tredje perioden utspelar sig dagen före och efter att Syriens regim får en diplomatisk möjlighet att förhindra ett amerikanskt anfall genom att överlämna alla sina kemvapen. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk bygger på tidigare forskning om journalistisk narrativitet, krigs- och fredsjournalistik och hur källor hanteras i krigsrapportering. Genom att svara på åtta delfrågor besvaras studiens fråga om hur kemattacken i Damaskus förorter rapporterades i de tre tidningarna. Källor och citat i artiklarna är avgörande för helheten. Övergripande har New York Times fokus på president Obama, hans administration, dess uttalanden och relationer. När president Obama under sista perioden vänder sig till amerikanska kongressen och ber om stöd för ingripa i Syrien flyttas fokus i rapporteringen till ett än mer nationellt perspektiv. Daily Star har ett växlande perspektiv. Artiklarna följer internationell politik och hur den mobiliseras. Tidningen speglar också lidandet i Syrien samt konsekvenserna i det egna landet. Moscow Times håller sig till ett ryskt politiskt perspektiv i samtliga artiklar. Det är främst det egna landets toppolitiker som kommer till tals.

<p>For more than three decades the Moscow-based conceptual artist group "Collective Actions" has been organizing actions. Each action, typically taking place at the outskirts of Moscow, is regarded as a trigger for a series of intellectual activities, such as analysis, interpretation, narration, and description. The artists have systematically recorded and transcribed these activities, collecting and assembling texts, diagrams, and photographs in a ten-volume publication entitled "Journeys Outside the City." Five volumes of this publication concern the activities of the group before, and five after, 1989. Over the years the "Journeys Outside the City" became an idiosyncratic, self-sufficient aesthetic discourse arrayed along a constellation of concepts developed by those engaged in "Collective Actions." In its elusive hermeticism and self-referentiality the aesthetic framework constructed by these artists formed a closed system, gathering bundles of signs that seldom referred to anything concrete outside the horizon of Moscow Conceptualism. It is in this regard that the early volumes of the "Journeys Outside the City" can be compared to the similarly closed ideological discourse of the Soviet Politburo. After 1989, however, with the transition from socialism to capitalism, the aesthetic and artistic language of this group began to change as its text-based self-sufficient system began to open up under pressure from new socioeconomic conditions introduced by the processes of democratization and liberalization. </p><p> My dissertation "Transition in Post-Soviet Art: `Collective Actions' Before and After 1989" is neither a history of nor a monographical work on "Collective Actions," but rather an analytical exploration of aesthetic, artistic and institutional changes that have transpired in the "Journeys Outside the City" during the transition from socialism to capitalism. As the artists migrated from one art historical category into another (from the status of "unofficial artists" to that of "contemporary artists"), their aesthetics and art revealed a series of stylistic, technical, formal, textual, and aesthetical transformations and metamorphoses that paralleled broader cultural conversions taking place in post-Soviet and Eastern European art during the transition to capitalism.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (D. Min.)--Ashland Theological Seminary, 2008. / Abstract . Description based on microfiche version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 174-180).

This dissertation examines the early works of the Russian artist Ilya Kabakov and traces the beginning of a linguistic trend in the development of Moscow Conceptualism. Analyzing the drawings and paintings that the artist created between 1962 and 1966, I place Kabakov’s artistic style and ideas in the context of the cultural, theoretical and scientific phenomena that affected Soviet art and society in the early 1960s. Kabakov’s works are shown as evolving in a process that renders the artist’s techniques increasingly polysemantic, dialogic and conceptual. The dissertation then demonstrates that Kabakov’s visual images and linguistic titles participated, indirectly yet actively, in the cultural debates of Moscow’s artistic underground and the Soviet society. The dynamic correspondence between a fervent cultural context, growing interest in linguistic and scientific ideas, increasing conceptualization of visual means of expression and intellectualization of the artistic approach to the image led to the appropriation of language in the works of Moscow underground artists. The dissertation establishes such a development in the early works of Ilya Kabakov, proposing that his earliest “conversational” work Whose Fly is This? was the first conceptual painting to display text in the form of a written dialogue. The colloquial style and conversational character of the depicted discourse are examined as an ironic gesture that takes its genesis from the polyphonic theory of Mikhail Bakhtin and reverses the official non-dialogical imperatives of Soviet newspeak and ideology. The main figural image of the painting—the fly—is seen as articulating the utopias and anti-utopias of avant-garde figures such as Kharms or Malevich and interpreted as alluding to a key contemporaneous scientific discovery—the chromosomes of the drosophila. In the end, the words and the image of Whose Fly is This? form the two mutually exclusive and mutually complementary aspects of a compound conceptual signifier. That is the signifier of the free artistic spirit, evanescent human existence and mundane, yet resilient human nature that ironically survives—against all odds and despite all absurdities—beyond the boundary of the social utopia and the limits of epistemological systems. / text

Erskine Caldwell and Margaret Bourke-White traveled to the U.S.S.R. in 1941 on their and their editor's hunch that something newsworthy was in the offing. The couple went in part to add to their library of phototext books (three had been published since 1936), but more to advance the agenda of the anti-Fascist, anti-isolationist Leftist Popular Front, whose goals coincided with those of the Roosevelt administration. When Germany invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, they immediately immersed themselves in the enterprise of bringing war news to the American listening and reading public. Through the portals of CBS radio, Life magazine, PM newspaper, and other journalistic outlets, and despite stultifying censorship, they made it clear that the Red Army was a formidable anti-Hitler force that wanted only financial and material assistance from the U.S., and that the Russian people, steeped in patriotism and family values not very different from American ideals, were worthy allies. Stalin, they hinted, was a well-intentioned and well-organized autocrat, but nothing worse. Upon returning to the United States, Bourke-White traveled extensively to promote a Russian-American alliance, and published a photo-chronicle of their Russian trip, Shooting the Russian War. Caldwell published two very different books, All-Out on the Road to Smolensk and All Night Long, that also advocated this coalition. I argue that Caldwell composed Smolensk as a heroic quest to report on the war firsthand, while All Night Long, a popular and sensational story about Russian guerillas, bears all the characteristics of a Socialist Realist novel touting the Soviet cause. Both books were successful in endorsing Soviet objectives in the West. Their individual and collaborative literary products have been largely forgotten, but Bourke-White's photographs continue to inform our memory of that war.

The more leadership you get, the more power you will receive. Unfortunately, not everyone is given the same opportunities. This can be seen and proved on the basis of studies in media companies. Our purpose concerns attitudes towards female leadership in Moscow, Russia. This thesis was based on two study methods, qualitative interviews and observations. The respondents in our study were divided into three groups,students, media teachers and a media company. The study focused on subject areas suchas female leadership today, the future of female leadership, creative leadership, political and historical influences, Russian leader style as well as the existence of the glass-ceiling.Our conclusion is that Russia is not ready for a female leadership, mainly because of their historical context.

Zugl.: Frankfurt/Oder, Univ. Viadrina, Diss., 2004