Under what conditions does the Egyptian Society of the Muslim Brothers (SMB) fracture? The 1996 formation of the Wasat party by a group of former Muslim Brothers has attracted significant scholarly attention, although most studies focus on the ideological differences between the groups. By neglecting the organizational angle these studies are unable to explain why some ideological differences lead to group fracture, and why in the case of the SMB this occurred in 1996 and not before. This paper will argue that the SMB splits when high levels of state repression combine with internal organizational conflict, specifically the lack of stable, consultative internal dispute-resolution mechanisms. Empirical tests charting levels of state repression and SMB internal politics throughout the period 1981-2010, covering variation on the dependent, as well as both independent variables, strengthen the theory. / text

The diploma thesis explores the ideological development, contemptorary positions and political prospects of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. It follows the movement's long evolution on the background of its relations with the successive regimes of Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak, examines its current discourse on "Islamic democracy" including its stated commitment to political pluralism, the principle of citizenship as well as the connected subject of women's and non-muslim's rights, analyses its attempt to formulate a party platform and discusses the Brothershood's prospects in the politically closed environment of the Egyptian authoritarian regime. Obvious discrepancies notwithstanding, author argues, that if any meaningful pro-democratic reform in the Arab world is supposed to occur, some ways to integrate moderate Islamists into the formal political realm must be found.

The theme of this research paper is political Islam and democratic transition in the MENA. The study is delimited to the Ennahda Movement and the Muslim Brotherhood as two prominent political Islamist movements, focusing specifically on their experiences during the democratic transition period. It employs a comparative analytical framework, drawing on a qualitative analysis of primary and secondary databases, including survey data, statistics tables, documentaries, media sources, and scholarly works. Through a comparative lens and within three theoretical anchors, the study explores the puzzle of contradictory outcomes, with Tunisia experiencing a relatively successful democratic transition while Egypt faced setbacks and a return to authoritarian rule. By examining their ideologies, governance styles, reform approaches, and responses to in-and-external challenges, the study illustrates the key factors resulting in their divergent trajectories.  The study findings indicate that the Ennahda's adoption of a bottom-up reform approach, inclusive leadership philosophy, and flexible governance style; not to mention the ability to tackle in-and-external challenges effectively, contributed to the success of the democratization process in Tunisia. In contrast, the Brotherhood faced serious challenges due to its top-down reform approach, exclusive leadership philosophy, and rigid governance style; let alone the disability to handle in-and-external challenges adequately, led to the failure of the democratization process in Egypt. The study concludes that leadership philosophy, governance ways, reform approaches, and capacity to navigate in-and-external challenges play pivotal roles in shaping the trajectories of Islamist political movements in the course of democratic transitions.

Bibliography / Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research paper offers an analysis of new terrorism as a concept for analysis in Political Risk. In order to assess the novelty and value of new terrorism it is juxtaposed with old terrorism. This analysis uses a historical comparative method in which three terrorist groups, within two distinct historical periods, are discussed and compared. The first historical period is 1945-2000 and assesses old terrorism through a descriptive assessment of the Muslim Brotherhood and Hezbollah. The second historical period, 2001-2009, provides a descriptive assessment of al-Qaeda. The primary variables for analysis with regards to the terrorist groups selected herein are goals, targets and tactics. Also discussed is the secondary variable structure. A number of key findings indicate that there are more similarities than there are differences between old and new terrorism. The novelty and value of new terrorism is thus limited as a concept for analysis within Political Risk Analysis. The conclusion of this research paper establishes that for a normative conceptualisation of terrorism to exist, and have value, it must consider both old and new terrorism. This normative understanding of terrorism better serves the purpose of mitigation within the sphere of Political Risk Analysis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie bied .n ontleding van nuwe terrorisme as .n begrip vir ontleding in Politieke Risiko. Ten einde die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme te evalueer, word dit naas ou terrorisme gestel. Hierdie ontleding gebruik .n histories-vergelykende metode waarin drie terroristegroepe, in twee afsonderlike historiese tydperke, bespreek en vergelyk word. Die eerste historiese tydperk strek van 1945.2000 en evalueer ou terrorisme met behulp van .n beskrywende evaluering van die Moslem Broederskap en Hezbollah. Die tweede historiese tydperk, 2001.2009, bied .n beskrywende evaluering van al-Qaeda. Die primere veranderlikes vir ontleding met betrekking tot die terroristegroepe wat hierin aangewys is, is doelstellings, teikens en taktiek. Verder word die sekondere veranderlike struktuur bespreek. .n Aantal belangrike bevindinge dui daarop dat daar meer ooreenkomste as verskille tussen ou en nuwe terrorisme bestaan. Die nuutheid en waarde van nuwe terrorisme het dus beperkinge vir ontleding as .n begrip in Politieke Risiko-ontleding. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie dui dus daarop dat, vir .n normatiewe konseptualisering van terrorisme om te bestaan, en ook waarde te he, dit beide ou en nuwe terrorisme in berekening moet bring. Hierdie normatiewe begrip van terrorisme dien die doel van tempering binne die sfeer van Politieke Risiko-ontleding beter.

Depuis la création des Sœurs Musulmanes, le chapitre féminin des Frères Musulmans en Égypte, le rôle que l’organisation a accordé aux femmes a changé plusieurs fois. Pendant certaines périodes, les militantes ont été inclues dans les activités politiques de l’organisation, alors que pendant d’autres périodes, elles étaient forcées de s’occuper de différentes activités d’aide sociale au près de la population. Ce mémoire essaie d’expliquer les raisons qui expliquent les différents changements dans le niveau d’inclusion ou d’exclusion des militantes dans les Frères Musulmans. Cette étude utilise trois périodes pour illustrer ces différents changements : 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). Cette recherche conclue que, pendant des périodes où la survie des Frères Musulmans est remise en question, l’organisation sera forcée d’inclure les militantes dans leurs activités. Chaque changement dans l’inclusion des femmes est aussi marqué par un changement du contexte politique et des relations avec le gouvernement. Ces changements ne sont donc pas des produits de changement idéologique de l’organisation, mais plutôt causés par des raisons rationnelles. / Since the creation of the Muslim Sisters, the female chapter of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the role that the organization gave women has been shifting. At times, female militants were included within the political activities of the organization, while during others; they were relegated to a role of care provider in various charity tasks. The thesis at hand attempts to explain the causes for those shifts in the level of inclusion and exclusion of female militants within the Muslim Brotherhood. For that purpose, this study will tackle three different periods: 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). The research concludes that in periods where the survival of the Muslim Brotherhood is at risk, they will be forced to include female militants in their activities. Each change in the inclusion of women is also marked by a change in the political context and the relations with the government. Therefore these changes, rather than being ideological changes, are caused by rational concerns of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Islamist movements operate in all the countries of the Middle East and North Africa region. The mother organization, which is also best-known among the movements, is the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, whose ideas spread quickly into other countries in the region. Although the Islamist movements are ideologically different, they have one similar attribute - focus on various social issues as well as the fact that they originally profiled as charity organizations and they have only recently entered the political scene. The main goal of this diploma thesis is to analyze and compare the activities and achievements of the Muslim Brotherhood (The Freedom and Justice party) and The Movement of Islamic Tendency (The Ennadhda party) within the political systems in Egypt and Tunisia. The thesis also aims at verifying explanatory cleavage of Islamist electorate based on the cleavage theory within Egypt and Tunisia. The biggest success of the Islamist movements so far meant the changes after the Arab Spring. Following this event the Islamist movements won the first free parliamentary election in both countries. However, the political activities of the Muslim Brotherhood did not last so long in Egypt - nowadays the movement exists only illegally and it has been in a difficult position. On the contrary, the...

Since 1976, Syria has suffered two separate but in nature similar rebellions which was different in terms of spreading, impact and size. The existing literature fails to compare these rebellions and answer the question on how two similar uprising can produce different outcomes. The objective of this study is to answer that question and produce a foundation that is usable when studying future uprisings in the Middle East and Syria. This is a qualitative research that uses multiple case studies that are compared in order to fulfil the objective of this study. The research if a desk study and uses an abductive approach. Two different theoretical concepts have been used in order to understand the dynamics that shaped the two rebellions. These are Frank H. Zimmerman's theory on why insurgencies fail and Frederick D. Miller's model of movement decline. The authors pinpoint different factors that makes a uprising prone to failure or success and these factors has been used as a lens when analysing the findings of this essay. The findings of this essay suggest that key differences that made an impact on the conflicts where the amount of local support, external support and the role of social media. In order to fully understand the dynamics that shapes modern rebellions, further research on the role of globalisation and social media is conflict must be conducted.

Studiens huvudsakliga syfte var att undersöka och förklara begreppen ”jihad” och "heligt krig" och svara på ifall dessa begrepp kunde användas för att rättfärdiga terrorism, samt förklara den politiska islam, al-Qaida och det Muslimska Brödraskapets kopplingar till terrorism idag. Undersökningen gjordes med hjälp av kvantitativa metoder och framförallt genom litteraturstudier. Resultatet visade att det inte finns någon definitiv förklaring till begreppet jihad, utan det finns åtminstone två sätt att tolka det på, samt att våld genom jihad kan rättfärdigas genom att tolka och ta koranverser ur sin kontext.

The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank. My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms. I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.

ABSTRACT Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson ”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a democratization process” Supervisor: Jonas Linde The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy. The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by the people through free, fair and frequent elections.