Based on the example of Vilnius district, the thesis attempts to analyse violent crimes and punishments of the nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 18th century. It reveals the structure of crimes: statistics, motives, criminal environment, social composition of victims and criminals, level of violence, theory and practice of punishments. The study of criminal conduct of the nobility as the leading social class provides the opportunity to take a glance at the society of that time; the thesis analyses its conflicts and ways of their solving, relations within the noble class and with other social classes. The major source of the thesis is castle court and land court books of Vilnius district. The thesis analyses violent crimes: homicide, bodily injury, pain infliction (murders, contusions, duels and others), illegal imprisonment, sexual violence, estate raids, city household attacks, robbery. Sentences of deprivation of honour, exile, tower imprisonment, capital punishment fall under the scope of the thesis. It has been determined that the peak of criminal conduct was reached in the 1740s and 1780s, whereas the lowest number of crimes was recorded in the 1770s. The rural environment featured a higher prevalence of criminal activity. However, a number of crimes committed in Vilnius significantly increased in the final third of the century. The study revealed that the most common crimes were homicide, bodily injury, pain infliction and domain raids; others were less... [to full text] / Disertacijoje, remiantis Vilniaus pavieto pavyzdžiu, nagrinėjami smurtiniai bajorijos nusikaltimai ir bausmės XVIII a. Lietuvos Didžiojoje Kunigaikštystėje. Darbe atkleidžiama nusikaltimų struktūra: statistika, priežastys, erdvė, socialinė aukų bei nusikaltėlių sudėtis, smurto laipsnis, bausmių teorija ir praktika. Per bajorijos kaip valdančiojo luomo nusikalstamumo tyrimą siekiama pažvelgti į to meto visuomenę, tiriami jos konfliktai ir jų sprendimų būdai, bajorijos santykiai tarpusavyje ir su kitais luomais. Pagrindinis darbo šaltinis – Vilniaus pavieto pilies ir žemės teismų knygos. Disertacijoje nagrinėjami smurtiniai nusikaltimai: gyvybės atėmimo, kūno sužalojimo, skausmo suteikimo nusikaltimai (nužudymai, sumušimai, dvikovos ir kiti), nelegalus įkalinimas, seksualinė prievarta, valdų antpuoliai, miesto namų užpuolimai, plėšimas. Tiriamos garbės atėmimo, ištrėmimo, bokšto kalėjimo, mirties bausmės. Nustatyta, kad aukščiausias nusikalstamo pakilimas buvo penktame ir devintame XVIII a. dešimtmečiuose, mažiausiai nusikaltimų užfiksuota aštuntame dešimtmetyje. Daugiausia nusikaltimų vyko kaimo erdvėje. Paskutiniame amžiaus trečdalyje nusikaltimų Vilniuje skaičius smarkiai išaugo. Nustatyta, kad dažniausi nusikaltimai buvo gyvybės atėmimo, kūno sužalojimo, skausmo suteikimo nusikaltimai bei valdų antpuoliai, kiti buvo retesni. Nors Lietuvos Statuto nuostatos buvo griežtos, teisminė ir policinė kontrolė šalyje nebuvo stipri. Daugelis nusikaltimų nebūdavo išaiškinami, o... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

Entre la fin du régime français et l’adoption de l’Acte constitutionnel par le Parlement de Londres en 1791, le rapport que la noblesse canadienne entretient avec le système judiciaire civil de la colonie change de façon majeure. Les Canadiens doivent s’adapter au nouveau système mis en place par l’administration britannique de la colonie. En Nouvelle-France, les nobles présentaient leurs différends juridiques civils devant le Tribunal royal, régi par la Coutume de Paris ; à partir de la Cession (1763), ce sont officiellement les lois britanniques qui s’appliquent jusqu’au retour des lois civiles françaises en 1774. Après quelques adaptations, la Cour des Plaidoyers communs devient la cour de prédilection des Canadiens, et par conséquent, de l’ancienne élite militaire. Le système judiciaire constitue un élément important de l’étude de l’évolution de la colonie, car l’attitude de la caste élitaire face aux tribunaux est un indicateur de sa capacité d’adaptation et de son degré d’implication dans la vie sociale. / From the end of New-France to the adoption of the Constitutional Act of 1791, the relationship between the nobility and the colonial civil court underwent drastic changes. The ‘Canadiens’ needed to conform to the British system. In New-France, aristocrats sued each other before the ‘tribunal royal’, using the Custom of Paris; but as of 1763, it was the British laws which prevailed. After some modifications, the Common Pleas Court became the French nobility’s (and therefore the military elite’s) favourite courthouse. The judicial system is an important part of research on colonial evolution because the population’s behaviour (and in our case that of the elite) before its courts shows its ability to adapt and its degree of involvement in the social life of the time.

The work is focused on the fate of Irish emigration to Central Europe (the Habsburg monarchy) during the 16th and 17th centuries and its subsequent fate in this region. Particular attention is paid to the family of the Counts Taaffe, who especially in the 19th century significantly influenced politics in the Austrian Empire. Irish emigration in the 17th and 18th century can be divided into three major waves. The first hit after the defeat of Ireland Ulster insurgents in Kinsale. Local elites were not willing to accept a subordinate position and four years after the signing of. Mellifontské contract went 30 September 1607 more than ninety Ulstr for the most important nobles in exile. This "escape poke" had far-reaching consequences for Ireland and has contributed greatly to the realization of England's plans. The second and most extensive emigration met Ireland after the Armistice in Kilkeny in May 1652, ie during the era of Oliver Cromwel. The third wave of emigration then caused the victory of William of Orange over James II. in the battle of the Boyne in 1690 and Aughrimu the 1691. Most Irish emigrants resorted to the Catholic powers, particularly Spain, France and Austria. They can be roughly divided into three groups. First it was the Catholic priests, mainly members of the Franciscan order....

Aux trois moments que constituent d’abord la décennie 1550, temps fort de la conversion nobiliaire au protestantisme, puis le temps des affrontements religieux de 1560 à 1598, et enfin celui de la fondation de l’absolutisme, à quelle fidélité le gentilhomme réformé doit-il consentir en ces temps d’incertitudes où désormais l’unité religieuse n’existe plus ? Obéit-il à une fidélité confessionnelle dictée par sa conscience ou à une exigence politique et relationnelle qui le lie naturellement, et à son seigneur, et à son roi ? Si le noble de foi réformée ne ressent pas au XVIe siècle de contradiction entre les deux sphères, celle du politique et celle du religieux : il n’a pas en effet le sentiment de se couper de son roi, en combattant dans les rangs de l’armée protestante, bien au contraire. Progressivement la distance se creuse vis-à-vis de ces seigneurs, et on perçoit alors l’extrême liberté des attaches politiques qui les lient au chef de parti. Mais la revendication d’une liberté irrépressible n’est rendue possible que par une stratégie mise en place de longue date par ces nobles protestants. Celle-ci repose d’abord et surtout sur une base solide et indéfectible, une nébuleuse d’amis et de parents. La proximité avec l’Angleterre et la Cour d’Elisabeth facilite également cette attitude distancée. Enfin, au XVIIe siècle, elle s’appuie aussi sur le véritable bouclier qu’a pu représenter l’édit de Nantes pour la noblesse ; ce dernier permet l’établissement d’un culte de fief et les protestants nobles chercheront à exploiter tous les ressorts juridiques du texte pour préserver leur foi intacte. Les alliances matrimoniales et l’action des femmes, filles ou épouses, serviront à la consolidation de la foi réformée. Alors que la répression, ciblée sur quelques individus, n’épargne pas le second ordre, certains nobles chercheront à trancher le dilemme soumission par la conversion ou désobéissance par l’exil, en dissociant les deux services, en refusant de choisir entre Dieu et le roi. / The important steps of French nobility: At first, 1550: part of the French nobility chooses to Protestantism. Then, 1560 and 1598: the French Religious Civil Wars. Finally, it was the start of Absolute Monarchy. When the unity of the Faith no longer existed, the choice of the French nobility was either to be faithful to the King or to god. Therefore, there were a gap between the religious faith and the political loyalties to the King. At first, the French nobles kept trusting their King, but a certain misunderstanding started to develop and the nobles gradually chose freedom over their loyalty to the French King. England’s proximity and Elisabeth 1st’s Court help them keep their distance with the King. They could rely on too their friends and family and parents to keep their faith alive, and the Edict of Nantes re-established the French nobility’s civil and religious rights. However the persecution of the Protestant did already start. Therefore many French Protestants nobles chose exile. Otherwise they were banished by the French Kingdom. Some of them hid their real faith, refusing to have to choose between their God and their king.

There are only a few works available dealing with the Czech Early New Times and not mentioning the name of Pavel Michna z Vacínova. The man who succeeded in overcoming barriers of his middle class origin and making himself an indispensable advisor to top representatives of the Czech Kingdom and even Emperor Ferdinand II and to manage elevation to Imperial Earldom towards the end of his life. Michna, a butcher's son from Budyně nad Ohří, became thanks to patronage of the High Chancellor of the Czech Kingdom Zdeněk Vojtěch Popel z Lobkowicz in the early part of the 17th century the Czech Kingdom Court Office Secretary and reinforced a group of catholic militants who gradually started to exploit the Czech Kingdom Court Office for the benefit of their own influence at the expense of Protestant majority. Even though Michna had signed the Imperial Charter of Rudolf II that guaranteed all subjects in the Kingdom freedom of worship, he alone prosecuted Protestants during his office period in the Czech Kingdom Court Office and was aiming to restrict their rights. The hate of Protestants against Michna culminated on May 23, 1618, when he should have been one of the victims of the Defenestration of Prague. He had learned of plans of the plotters on time and rescued himself fleeing to Vienna to the Imperial...

The main subject of the diploma thesis is the view of the war and the military through the early modern opinions of lower nobles, especially by Henry Hýzrl from the Chod (1575- 1665) and Sigmund Chotek of Chotkov (1521-1603). The time frame is set from the 16. to 17. century. Views on contemporary defence of the country are reconstructed on the basis of previously unreleased military debate which is titled Kriegsdiscurs über der hochlöblichen Cron Bohemia Landtdefension by Henry Hýzrl from the Chod. This debate is partly accessible in academic edition at the end of the thesis. The next source, for understanding the intellectual world of the Czech nobility during the wars with the Turks, is military instruction by Sigmund Chotek of Chotkov. The work is based on military debate by Henry Hýzrl from Chod. It is a completely unique view of the war through the view of the Bohemian nobleman.

Dans la société d’Ancien Régime, les maréchaux de France avaient pour fonction la conduite des armées du roi. Au XVIIIe siècle, la plupart des quatre-vingts officiers généraux distingués par le maréchalat le furent à un âge avancé. Cette thèse montre dans une première partie l’évolution d’une dignité accordée à l’origine pour commander à la guerre vers une faveur décernée en période de paix. Les parties suivantes sont consacrées à la place de cette élite dans la société. Par l’étude des alliances matrimoniales, il s’agit de comprendre dans quelle mesure l’endogamie ou l’exogamie nobiliaires s’inscrivirent dans une stratégie de préservation patrimoniale et d’enrichissement.Les actes notariés contribuent à étudier l’assise de leur fortune. Le patrimoine, les dettes ainsi que les revenus informent sur les mouvements de cette fortune, indiquant qu’il s’agissait d’un groupe économiquement dynamique et cantonné aux formes traditionnelles de placements. On peut ainsi déterminer la place des maréchaux dans la ville au travers de leur quotidien, dans leurs demeures et par la gestion de leur fortune. La dernière partie s’interroge sur la culture de cette élite militaire. Une analyse systématique des testaments informe sur leurs attitudes devant la mort. Les curiosités intérieures de cette élite militaire renseignent sur les comportements de collectionneurs de certains maréchaux. La place des maréchaux dans la vie sociale du temps, dans les académies parisiennes ou provinciales, dans les loges maçonniques et certains salons, achève cette réflexion. / In the society of the Ancient Regime, the marshals of France were in charge of the king’s military. In the 18th century, most of the eighty general officers were quite elderly when granted marshalcy. In a first part, this PhD highlights the shift from a title initially acquired to command during wartime to a favour granted during peacetime. The following parts explore the place of this elite within society. Through the study of matrimonial alliances, it is to be understood to what extent nobiliary endogamy or exogamy were part of a strategy of heritage maintenance and enrichment. The notarial deeds contribute to study the base of their wealth. The analysis of their heritage, debts and incomes permits to identify the fluctuations of their wealth, which shows that the marshals were an economically dynamic group and depending solely on traditional forms of investment. One can thus rebuild the marshals’ place in the city through their daily lives and their heritage’s management. The last part focuses on the culture of this military elite. The systematic analysis of wills testifies to their attitudes towards death. The internal curiosities of these noble men of war informs us about their behaviours as collectors. The marshals’ place in the social life of the time, in the Parisian or provincial academies, in the Masonic lodges, and certain salons, ends up this social, political as well as cultural history of a military elite that had been forgotten so far.

Louis-François-Armand de Vignerot du Plessis, maréchal de France, est devenu duc de Richelieu en 1715. Peu connu de l’histoire de France, il est surtout célèbre pour ses nombreux scandales, son amour des femmes et des fêtes. Arrière-petit neveu du célèbre cardinal de Richelieu, il est avant tout un homme appartenant à la haute noblesse française de cette fin du XVIIème siècle et du XVIIIème siècle. Son existence est donc le reflet de la vie, des habitudes et des coutumes de cette élite. Homme de paradoxes, bien ancré dans son siècle, provocateur et libertin, né en 1696 il reste néanmoins profondément marqué par le règne précédent, celui de Louis XIV, dont il est le filleul. Grand mécène il ne possède guère d’œuvres des philosophes des Lumières, exception faite de son ami Voltaire. Enfin celui que l’on surnomme « l’Alcibiade français », proche et ami intime du roi Louis XV, est le courtisan modèle, le parfait gentilhomme de cour. Il est surtout et avant tout un grand homme de guerre, fin stratège, dont les qualités sont trop souvent éclipsées par ses nombreuses frasques. Il participe aux différents conflits qui s’égrènent tout au long du XVIIIème siècle. Il est présent lors de la guerre de succession de Pologne de 1733 à 1738. C’est en 1745 à la bataille de Fontenoy et davantage en 1756 que le duc de Richelieu révèle tous ses talents. Il est élevé à la dignité de maréchal de France en 1748. Enfin toutes ces qualités que nous venons sommairement de mentionner et qui composent la personnalité si particulière de cet homme se révèlent bien utiles dans sa dernière fonction de gouverneur de Guyenne qu’il occupe dès 1755. Pour cette nouvelle mission il faut au duc de Richelieu toute son intelligence, son charisme et son habileté, faisant tantôt preuve d’autorité et de fermeté, tantôt de diplomatie, il a été ambassadeur à Vienne et à Dresde entre 1725 et 1729 et en 1747. Là encore il est intéressant de voir de quelle manière il a su marquer de son empreinte la province de Guyenne. Il meurt en 1788 après avoir traversé tout le XVIIIème siècle après une vie bien remplie. / Louis-François-Armand of Vignerot du Plessis, marshal of France, duke of Richelieu in 1715. Almost forgotten by history of France, he is especially famous for his numerous scandals, his love of the women. It is not a question of accomplishing a simple biography of this man but much more of studying the several subjects procreated by this figure. The son of great-nephew of the famous cardinal Richelieu, he is first of all a member of the high French nobility of this end of the XVIIth century up to the end of XVIIIth century. His existence is therefore the image of life, habits and usages, of the nobility. Man of paradoxes, anchored well in his century, libertine, born in 1696 he remains however profoundly marked by the previous, Louis XIV’s reign, the godson of whom he is. Protector of the arts he hasn’t in his library the writings of the Enlighment philosophers, except these written by his friend Voltaire. Finally, the man called by his contemporaries “French Alcibiades", close and intimate friend of the king Louis XV, is a model sycophant, the perfect gentleman of courtyard. The military activities taking a big part of his life, he is also a great warrior, fine strategist, whose qualities are too often eclipsed by his numerous scandals. He participates in different conflicts which shell throughout the XVIIIth century. Serving honestly during the Polish succession war (1733 – 1738), the duke of Richelieu displays all his military talents in 1745 at the battle of Fontenoy and even more in 1756 (siege of Minorca). He rose to the rank of marshal of France in 1748 becoming, above all, a great figure of the French military history. Finally all his summarily mentioned qualities, shaping such a particular personality, turn out to be very useful in his last function of governor of Guyenne he was given in 1755. This new mission demands all his intelligence, charisma and skills, for showing in turn his authority and firmness but also a diplomacy, which has not been strange for him as former ambassador in Vienna (1725 - 1729) and in Dresden (1747). It’s very much interesting to observe how the duke’s personality influenced the governed province. He ends his well filled life in 1788 having lived almost all XVIII century.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’appréhender les relations entre le roi et les nobles à la fin des guerres de Religion. La période des guerres civiles est marquée par un affaiblissement de l’autorité monarchique. Pour rétablir l’ordre dans le royaume, le roi doit compter sur les nobles dont la vocation est de porter les armes. Or, beaucoup de ces seigneurs ne le reconnaissent pas comme roi légitime. Par la guerre, les négociations et une savante politique de légitimation, Henri IV parvient à les rallier progressivement à son autorité. Cette thèse vise à comprendre ce processus de réconciliation, sur quelles bases il repose et comment les nobles contribuent à la redéfinition du pouvoir après ces périodes de troubles. Car si la paix est rétablie dans le royaume à partir de 1598 avec la paix de Vervins et l’édit de Nantes, les contestations nobiliaires ne sont pas totalement éteintes et éclatent à plusieurs reprises jusqu’en 1629. Les modalités de la révolte sont donc au cœur de cette thèse, c’est-à-dire la façon dont les nobles expriment leur mécontentement et justifient leurs oppositions au souverain. La cour est un cadre privilégié pour observer les dynamiques de pouvoir qui se jouent entre le souverain et les nobles, hommes et femmes. Le choix d’une période comprise 1589 et 1629 permet de suivre l’évolution de ces rapports à l’autorité monarchique et de mesurer le poids de l’honneur, moteur de l’action nobiliaire, mais aussi de la défense de la foi dans les prises de position nobiliaires. Cette longue période permet d’appréhender en quoi les contestations nobiliaires contribuent à la construction monarchique dans une période marquée par des conflits religieux. / The aim of this thesis is to understand the relationships between the King and the nobles at the end of the Wars of Religion. This period is marked by a weakening of the royal authority and the division of nobility between factions with different religious faiths. In order to restore order in the kingdom, the King must rely upon nobles whose vocation is to bear arms. However, many nobles don’t recognize him like as a legitimate sovereign. Through war, negotiations and a wise policy of legitimation, Henri IV achieves his goal of rallying them behind his authority. This thesis aims to understand this reconciliation process, on what basis it is founded and how nobles contribute to redefine royal power. Even though peace has been restored since 1598 with the Peace of Vervins and the Edict of Nantes, protests of nobility are not shut and flared several times until 1629. The modalities of the revolt are at the heart of this thesis, that is, the way nobles express their discontent and justify their oppositions against the sovereign. The court provides an ideal environment for the observation of the power dynamics between the King and nobles, men and women. The choice of the period from 1589 up to 1629 allows one to follow the evolution of the relations with the monarchical authority and evaluate the weight of honor, driving force of nobility action as well as the defense of faith in the nobles’ positions. This extensive period allows to apprehend how nobility protests contribute to the building of the monarchy during a period marked by religious conflicts.

Partindo da existência de uma fidalguia coletiva na região basca de Biscaia, ratificada juridicamente pela monarquia de Carlos V (1527) através da aprovação do conjunto de leis conhecido como Foro Novo, nos perguntamos: como esse fenômeno produziu-se? Quais os agenciamentos discursivos envolvidos em sua emergência? Sendo assim, recorremos a um estudo genealógico não-linear que abrangesse tal processo. Para tanto, utilizamos séries documentais tocantes à sociedade biscainha a partir século XV - especialmente - por meio das quais verificamos a passagem de uma sociedade assimétrica (regulamentada pelo Foro Velho - 1452) para a constituição fidalga em nível territorial. Além disso, não tomamos a fidalguia biscainha como um estatuto petrificado, mas nos preocupamos em analisar seu uso, funcionamento, articulações e produções de saber até inícios do século XVII no contexto monárquico. / Starting by the existence of a collective nobility in the Basque region of Biscay, juridically confirmed by the emperor Carlos V (1527) through the approval of a set of laws known as Fuero Nuevo, we have inquired: How this phenomenon was produced? Which agencies were used for its emergency? In this sense, we have resorted to a non-linear genealogical study, which comprehends that process. To do that, it has been selected documents related to the Biscayan society from the 15th century principally - through which it was verified the transformation from an asymmetric society (regulated by the Fuero Viejo 1452) to the noble constitution in this territoriality. Besides that, we do not understand the Biscayan nobility as a petrified statute, so we were concerned in analyzing its use, operation, articulations and knowledge productions until the beginning of 17th century in the monarchical context.