<p>The environment became an established issue on the international political agenda after World War 2. How to preserve natural resources became an issue that concerned several powerful participants, affected by changed conditions in the environmental legislation. This paper is a study of the growing environmental work within the multinational Swedish corporations Boliden, IKEA and SAS and how it was affected by the globalization. The material studied is environmentally related information produced by the companies and also interviews with the Environmental Managers. The information provided has been analyzed and compared with well-known opinions of globalization, trying to find out how the process of globalization has affected the handling of environmental work within the companies. The conclusion is the globalization brings several disadvantages, but it also results in an international legislation and co-operation between different participants, something that does have a positive effect on the environment.</p>

How does a cadastre, one of the modern state's most omnipresent and yet self-effacing instruments of power over territory and people, become national? How are the processes of nation-state formation and the rise of modern scientific expertise connected to the nationalization of a cadastre? This dissertation tackles both questions by studying the nationalization of the French cadastre between 1763 and 1807. This is one of the most influential national cadastres for it became the blueprint followed by many emerging nation-states in Europe and beyond. The literature has explained its nationalization as the outcome of straightforward state centralization. This dissertation, on the contrary, argues that the shift from local cadastres to a national cadastre was the result of a dual uniformization process: political (the spread of a discourse of administrative uniformity) and scientific (the emergence of professional land surveyors). To advance this argument, the dissertation uses historical methods and analyzes unstudied documentation from five archives. Contrary to the available literature, it finds that cadastral nationalization faced royal intendants' resistance (conventionally portrayed as hardcore state centralizers) and benefited from citizens' enthusiastic input (traditionally presented as opponents to projects of territorial nationalization). Furthermore, it finds that cadastral nationalization was implausible without the transformation of land surveying from a local manual art into a national scientific profession: the engineer-geographer. This modern expert produced standardized cadastral facts for the rising nation-state. Hence, the nationalization of the cadastre helped to reconcile the political ideal of revolutionary egalitarianism with the scientific practice of disciplinary impartiality. The approval of the national cadastre in 1807 marked the successful intersection of political and scientific uniformization. Due to the French cadastre' international influence, this dissertation makes three distinct and larger contributions. First, it brings to the forefront administrative uniformization as an understudied process of nation-state building. Second, it provides a new framework to understand how changes in bodily practices and instruments can enable the emergence of a modern scientific profession. And third it emphasizes that nation-state formation relies not only on the production of standardized individuals (citizens), but also the creation of a standardized "national nature," a lesser-studied phenomenon. / Sociology

In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.

Tarptautinės sistemos dinamiškumas, globalizacijos procesas bei kintanti saugumo sąvoka iškelia naujus iššūkius, kurie pasižymi transnacionaliniais bruožais, bei verčia iš naujo pažvelgti į valstybę ir kelti jos saugumo klausimą. Didėjanti ekonominių procesų reikšmė ir poveikis, akcentuoja valstybės ekonominio saugumo svarbą, kuris yra valstybės nacionalinio saugumo dalis. Vidinių ir išorinių šio saugumo sektoriaus veiksnių išskyrimas ir jų tarpusavio saitai formuoja ir kuria atitinkamą kiekvienos valstybės ekonominio saugumo suvokimą, kur šalia ekonominių aspektų itin svarbią vietą užima valstybės ir individo santykis. Pastarąjį dar labiau pabrėžia ekonominių procesų sunkiai kontroliuojama dinamika bei valstybės akistata su šiais naujaisias iššūkiais, kurie vis įgauna naujas kokybines ir kiekybines veiklos išraiškas. Tokiomis charakteristikomis pasižymi ir transnacionalinis organizuotas nusikalstamumas, kurio kontroliuojamos nelegalios rinkos ir kuriami politiniai-kriminaliniai santykiai, peržengia ne tik ekonominio saugumo „ribas“, kartu tai turi įtakos ir valstybės stabilumui tarptautinėje arenoje, kuris glaudžiai susijęs su valstybės institucijų efektyvumu. Organizuoto nusikalstamumo, valstybės ekonominio saugumo ir politinės sistemos santykis leidžia atskleisti organizuoto nusikalstamumo daromą poveikį valstybei kaip atskiram tarptautinės sistemos objektui ir kaip saugumo analizės lygmeniui. Transnacionalinio organizuoto nusikalstamumo veiklos modelio kūrimas ir... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The dynamics of international system, globalization process and changing concept of security brings transnational challenges and leads to a new look at nation state and the discussion of its security question. The growing importance of economic processes raises state economic security issue as a part of national security. Internal and external factors of this security sector and their links creates and shapes each state perception of its economic security, where near economic aspects, very important place is given for rate between nation state and individuals. The latter is emphasizes by comprehensive dynamics of economic processes and state's facing with these new transnational challenges, which are taking qualitative and quantitative features of operations. Transnational organized crime has these characteristics by controlling illegal markets and expanding political-criminal relationships, which goes further than economic security “limits”, this also has influence for state role in international arena and effectiveness of its institutions. The connections between organized crime, state economic security and state political system allows to analyze the impact of criminal groups for state as independent actor of international system and as the analysis of security level. Developing and using transnational organized crime model in analysis for Chinese triads, the Mexican cartels and Russian mafia and their home states involves country history, cultural context and legacy of... [to full text]

Baigiamajame magistro darbe nagrinėjama suverenumo istorija, apibrėžiama globalizacija, aptariama globalizacijos istorija, globalizacijos įtaka tradicinei valstybių politikai, globalizacijos procesų kritika, apžvelgiami antiglobalistiniai judėjimai. Įvardijami globalizacijos iššūkiai Vestfalijos modelio valstybių sistemai, tautinio valstybių suverenumo taikymo ribos, atskiriama tautiškumo ir Tautos sąvokos, apžvelgiamos viršnacionalinių idėjų teorijos. Įvardinus globalizacijos procesų metamus iššūkius tautinėms valstybėms, pabrėžiama švietimo sistemos atnaujinimo būtinybė, įvertinama minėtojo modelio žlugimo galimybė. Darbą sudaro 8 dalys: Angliškas ir lietuviškas apibendrinimai, Įvadas, Suverenumo idėjos istorija, Globalizacija ir jos procesų apžvalga, Suverenumo instituto taikymo ribos, Išvados, Literatūros sąrašas. / 500 years ago both a doctrine and institution of sovereignty were created; both were changed frequently in order to meet contemporaneous political demands. After World War I a system of sovereign nation-states was formed, which has become extremely conservative and suspicious towards any change in the status quo. If history has taught us anything, it is to doubt any theory or ideology that claims to have knowledge of the end of sovereignty. Globalization processes have raised many challenges never before seen by nation states: the loss of control of both global and local economies; migration and technological advancement taking away the monopoly of information flows in and out the countries; global issues forcing states to introduce supranational organizations such as the EU and NATO. Anti-global movements arise within the frames of globalism, and therefore a paradox emerges: anti-global processes work in the global field. With this in mind we can say that they will not change the world’s tendencies towards globalism, but they can change the sources of global flows and disassociate Western capitalism and Westernism from globalization. While nation-states remain an important political structure, attention should be drawn to discussions about decreasing control and increasing the economic information and human flows that fall outside of the purview of states. The doctrine of state sovereignty has never been so ideologically – as well as legally – weak, and the limits of... [to full text]

Lietuva, Latvija ir Estija yra nacionalinės valstybės, pasižyminčios svarbiausiais modernaus valstybingumo atributais. Susikūrusios kaip tautinės valstybės, vėliau praradusios valstybingumą ir vėl jį atkūrusios, Baltijos šalys, pateko į sparčios globalizacijos ir regioninės integracijos pasaulį, veikiantį tradicines valstybingumo sampratas. „Vienos tautos, vienos kalbos, vienos kultūros, vienos valstybės“ pagrindu kurtos Lietuva, Latvija ir Estija į XXI amžių įžengė tęsdamos politinės bendruomenės formavimo projektus. Nacionalinė valstybė šiame darbe bus suprantama ne tik kaip teritorinis-politinis darinys, bet ir kaip jai lojalią politinę bendruomenę mėginantis kurti ir reprodukuoti socialinis aktorius. Šiam tikslui pasiekti nacionalinė valstybė naudojasi įvairiais instituciniais mechanizmais, pasitelkia ne tik juridines priemones, bet ir vertybinius argumentus. Pasinaudojant konstruktyvistine prieiga galima tirti politinės bendruomenės Baltijos šalyse formavimosi procesus, nustatyti esmines politikos sritis, veikiančias politinės bendruomenės sampratą ir palyginti jas platesnėje perspektyvoje įtraukiant „idealiuosius tipus“, istoriškai susiformavusius Vakarų šalyse. Istorija, kalba ir pilietybė – atributai, suteikiantys Baltijos šalių politinėms bendruomenėms turinį ir formą, todėl politikos jų atžvilgiu palyginimas parodo esminius skirtumus, lemiančius kitoniškas politinės bendruomenės sampratas Baltijos šalyse. Latvijoje ir Estijoje besiformuojantys modeliai panašūs į... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia are nation-states that have all of the essential attributes of modern statehood. At first they had established themselves as ethnocultural nation-states, later lost their independence and then reemerged straight into the world which was hardly influenced by globalization and regional integration. The principle of “one nation, one language, one culture, one state” was already ideologically obsolete in modern discourse, however this was the basic principle on which the Baltic States were created. The nation-state in this thesis will be understood not only as territorial-political entity, but also as a social actor which puts efforts in political community building and reproducing it. In order to achieve these goals nation-state uses various institutional mechanisms; invokes legal remedies and arguments of inward values. Constructivist approach can help to investigate the processes of political community building in the Baltic States and to identify substantial fields of politics that determine the perception of political community. This also allows comparing them in a broader perspective – with “ideal types” of nation-state that appeared in the West. History, language and citizenship – these are the attributes that provide the political communities of the Baltic States with content and form; therefore the comparison of the policies towards those attributes indicates differences which determine different models of political community-shaping in the... [to full text]

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

The intention of the study is to come into a better understanding of the way in which the Diasporic body comes to know and understand its subjectivity within the governing contemporary public sphere. I suggest that this knowledge is diverse and that it can assist us to re-conceptualize learning in the context of schooling and education. I am interested in this seemingly mundane thing of ‘blackness’ and the way in which the signifying power of ‘blackness’ has come to constitute the conditions of possibility for the formation of a certain humanism. I trace somewhat abstract historical trajectories in order to better understand how contemporary everyday Diasporic life comes to be classified, organized, self-regulated and inscribed through particular intersections of race by way of gender, ableism, class, and sexuality. I seek to ascertain ways in which race is interpreted as the ‘Truth’ in order to impute the ethic of colonialism onto the Diasporic body. With this study my interest concerns understanding my lived experiences within the context of Diaspora and about how I come to make sense of race/racism/blackness through the cultural location of the colonial West. I am seeking to understand how, at certain moments, abject bodies of the Diaspora become predisposed to socialize in specific ways through these protean subjectivities. My interest involves coming to know critical pedagogies immanent to African Diasporic spaces that are germane for re-imagining schooling and education. I am interested in the school as a Diasporic space, the pedagogical and instructional implications for the teacher/educator, and about the ways in which meaning is made of Diaspora. I am suggesting writing Diaspora for schooling and education presents alternative ways of making sense of one’s subjectivity, citizenry, identity, about coming to know and understand how belonging, power and privilege come to be inscribed within the governing nation-state.

This thesis examines the principle of national self-determination as it pertained to the Kurdish population of the Middle East after the First World War and the legacy that it has left behind. The end of the War was characterized by a shift from empires to the European state system. This transition necessitated the redrawing of political borders. As victors of the War, Britain, France, Italy, and the United States of America had the power to influence the future of the continent in terms of creating nation-states. While nation-states were created in Europe, a mandate system was implemented in the Middle East. The Great Powers divided the Middle East into British and French spheres of influence. In so doing, the Kurds were left without a state. This research provides a case study for the Kurds at the close of the First World War and examines the obstacles they face today as the struggle for autonomy continues.

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.