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Many globalization theorists make the claim that the state, in its current Westphalian context, is no longer a viable unit of analysis in comparative politics or international relations. Globalists claim that in the wake of unprecedented, global integration, the state is either in retreat or on the verge of full scale extinction. In a general sense, this paper explores whether there is a sufficient amount of evidence to supports the claims of globalists that the state is dying. Moreover, the paper looks at the specific issue areas of international trade, multilateralism and the environment to determine what effects globalization has had there and if traditional state activity and autonomy have been replaced or eroded by the forces of globalization. The paper takes a realist view and therefore seeks evidence that globalists are incorrect in their assumptions. Through the use of primary and secondary sources this thesis seeks evidence of state autonomy and state centered strength relative to the force of globalization. Additionally, the paper reviews the principalglobalization literature and juxtaposes the globalist thesis with what is actually happening in the world, i.e., current trends and events. Ultimately, the goal of this paper is to address the question of whether realist or globalization theory best represents the state of world events. The major conclusion presented here is that, particularly in the west, realism and state sovereignty continue to prevail in the issue specific areas of trade, multilateralism, and the environment.

The main goal of this paper is to trace the formation of nation-states in Central Asia, primarily during the second half of the 19th and the first quarter of the 20th century. Although soviets played a significant role in shaping modern Central Asian political map, local national elites (like Alash Orda and jadids) and tsarist officials had contributed to this process as well. Thus, it is necessary to understand the interrelationship between all these key actors. Key words Central Asia, Bolshevism, nationalism, Turkism, nation-states

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'étudier le processus de construction matérielle et symbolique des villes capitales nouvellement établies et relocalisées au Brésil, au Canada et au Kazakhstan du milieu du XIXe siècle jusqu'à la fin du XXe siècle. La thèse adopte une approche comparative fondée sur des perspectives issues de l'histoire culturelle et politique, de l'histoire architecturale et de l'urbanisme. L’enquête porte sur l’exploration de ce que l’on soutient être trois phases sine qua non de la construction des villes capitales en question : a) les activités législatives et exécutives visant à choisir la localisation de leurs (nouveaux) sites ; (b) la conception et la construction des édifices gouvernementaux ou des districts représentant l'État dans ces nouveaux sites du gouvernement ; et c) les cérémonies d’inauguration des nouvelles villes capitales en tant que grands événements parrainés par l’État et visant à promouvoir les nouveaux lieux de pouvoir politique. L’exploration de ces trois moments historiques permet non seulement de saisir efficacement la différence entre les villes capitales et d’autres types de villes, mais fournit également un angle avantageux pour explorer les liens entre l’État et l’urbanité qui interagissent et co-construisent les espaces des villes capitales contemporaines. A travers l’analyse des trois phases mentionnées ci-dessus, nous proposons de repenser les projets intellectuels et politiques des élites et des individus engagés dans l'élaboration d’Astana, de Brasília et d’Ottawa, afin de comprendre comment leurs aspirations et leurs projets ont été transposés dans la matérialité des villes qu’ils ont inventées. Les études antérieures ont examiné les villes capitales comme des retombées du développement des États-nations ou des empires en les considérant de manière isolée, ou elles ont abordé la signification symbolique des villes capitales à travers une étude de leurs formes géographiques, architecturales ou urbaines. L'ambition de cette thèse est de montrer que l'émergence d'au moins trois villes capitales contemporaines découle de relations complexes et croisées entre les anciens empires et les États-nations actuels, ce dont témoigne l'exclusion de certaines groupes sociaux qui ne cadraient pas avec les représentations officielles de l'identité nationale que les élites politiques ont cherché à promouvoir dans l'espace de ces villes capitales. / This doctoral thesis aims to study the construction, both physically and symbolically, of newly established and relocated capital cities in Brazil, Canada, and Kazakhstan from the mid-nineteenth century up until the late twentieth century. The research adopts a comparative approach that is informed by perspectives from cultural and political history, the history of architecture, and urban planning. The investigation is grounded in what this thesis claims to be the three sine qua non phases of construction in contemporary capital cities: (a) legislative and executive activities geared toward choosing new sites of government; (b) the adoption of architectural and planning designs for governmental buildings or districts which seek to represent the State in these new sites of government; and (c) inauguration ceremonies for the newly-appointed capital cities in the form of large state-sponsored events, designed to promote the new loci of political power. The exploration of these three historical aspects not only enables one to efficiently grasp the difference between capital cities and other types of cities but also provides an advantageous angle from which to explore the link between statehood and cityhood, as these interact and co-construct each other within the space of contemporary capital cities. Through an analysis of the three phases in three capital cities I propose to rethink the intellectual and political projects of elites and individuals who were involved in the process of each capital’s elaboration, in order to understand how their aspirations and political projects were translated into the material reality of the cities that would be defined as ‘capitals.’ Previous studies essentially regarded capital cities as a by-product of the development of nation-states or empires, taken as separate and unrelated cases, or explored the symbolic meaning of capital cities through a study of their geographical, architectural, and planning arrangements. This thesis strives to demonstrate that the emergence of at least three contemporary capital cities was due to complex and entangled relationships between former empires and current nation-states, for these were also based on the ongoing exclusion of those groups of people who did not fit easily within the official representations of national identity which the ruling elites were attempting to forge.

Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhundert bildete der aus zahlreichen Grenzgebieten bestehende und zwischen der Habsburgermonarchie, Serbien und Montenegro befindliche Sandžak die nördlichsten Teile der osmanischen Provinz Kosovo. Dessen multikonfessionelle und mehrsprachige Einwohner waren bis zu frühen 1920er Jahren den Regierungspraktiken von fünf Staaten unterworfen: dem Osmanischen Reich, Montenegro, Serbien, der Habsburgermonarchie und dem Königreich der Serben, Kroaten und Slowenen. Es gelang jedem dieser Staaten, die Einheimische für ihre eigenen militärischen Zwecke zu mobilisieren. Bislang hat sich die Geschichtsschreibung entweder auf eine imaginäre Gemeinschaft oder auf Regierungsstrukturen konzentriert. Die vorliegende Dissertation bietet einen umfassenderen und differenzierteren Ansatz, indem sie eine lokale Perspektive einnimmt und bei den Mobilmachungsbemühungen des Staates nach dem „Großen im Kleinen“ sucht. Die Studie zeigt, dass die militärischen Mobilisierungen ein Feld konstruierten, das er ermöglicht, verschiedene Staatsziele zu analysieren, einschließlich der Figurationen zwischen der herrschenden Eliten und den Einheimischen. Die Erzählung konzentriert sich auf staatliche Pläne, die die Mobilmachungen zu verschleiern versuchten, und auf die Lebenswelten der Einheimischen. Hierzu werden verschiedene Ebenen des Regimewechsels, die Vorstellungen von Loyalität, Sicherheit und Ungewissheit im Wandel untersucht. Die Dissertation befasst sich mit Praktiken der Abgrenzung und Verdinglichung auferlegter Kategorien, mit Strategien der herrschenden Eliten, mit Widerstandstaktiken der Einheimischen, mit der Position von Frauen und Kindern in diesem Kontext. Die militärischen Mobilmachungen des Staates zielen darauf ab, den Übergang von Grenzgebieten als Ort, an dem gesellschaftliche Gefüge verschwommen sind, zu angrenzendem Land, wo feste ethnonationale Hierarchien und die Verwaltung von Ressourcen – in staatlicher Hand etablieret sind, zu erleichtern. Die Studie zeigt, dass dies kein eindimensionaler Prozess war. / At the beginning of the 20th century, the Sandžak, a mental map that consisted of numerous borderlands, made up the northmost parts of the Ottoman province of Kosovo. By the early 1920s, its multi-confessional and multi-lingual inhabitants were subject to the governmental practices of the five polities: The Ottoman Empire, Montenegro, Serbia, the Habsburg Monarchy, and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Each of these states managed to mobilize the locals for their own military purposes (the Balkans Wars (1912/13) and World War I). The historiography has dealt namely with the broader setting, either by focusing on one imagined community or on governmental structures. The present study offers a more nuanced approach by attending to a local perspective and searching for the “big in the small” in the state’s mobilization efforts. The study contents that the military mobilizations constructed a field through which analyzing various states' goals, including figurations between the ruling elites and the locals of various forms of capital and gender, is feasible. The narrative is centered on the state’s hidden plans, which the mobilizations aptly veiled, and on the lifeworld of the locals by investigating various levels of regime change and the notions of loyalty, security, and uncertainty from Ottoman to SCS rule. The study deals with the practices of demarcation and/or reification of imposed categories; its strategies for achieving mobilization of the borderlands’ inhabitants; how the tactics of the latter, regardless of confession, were used to defy the governance policies; the position of women and children in this game; and all their local social networks. The state’s military mobilizations were aimed at facilitating the transition of borderlands, as a place where societal boundaries were blurred, to bordered land, where fixed ethno-national hierarchizations and the management of resource – in the hands of the state – were achieved. The dissertation shows that this transition was not a one-dimensional process.

The general aim of this dissertation is to investigate the subject of war, inside the project of Political Institutions, from the trajectory followed by Rousseau provided descriptions of a peaceful state of nature, through the emergence of the United State and the consequent outbreak of war found in international relations. The way to go is what leads to the degeneration of the human being from the entrance into civil society. This entry has the purpose to promote and maintain peace, however, with the advent of the State, moral being whose extent and strength are purely relative, creates an unequal match between them, engendering wars. Thus man is seen in a mixed condition: as an isolated individual, hostage of natural law; citizen as a participant of the social order, subject to civil law; and as a sovereign people, free to relate with other people in an international sphere lacks regulatory mechanisms. Thus, this research divided into two chapters. At first we treat the question of the natural man and the state of nature - characterized by Rousseau as a period of isolation and simplicity - yet the `historic´ pact, pact generator of a corrupt social order, the result of degeneration of the natural attributes of man to join in society. The state is created, and with it comes the war. In the second chapter, we will introduce the theme of the foundation of Nation-States and their relations in the international sphere. Address the issue of formation of a legitimate company, and incorporated as a remedy for dropping the hardships resulting from the ``historical pact´´. We will work primarily with the concepts of freedom, sovereignty and general will. Then discuss the theme of war, highlighting the concepts of state of war and legitimate war further emphasizing Rousseau´s pessimism about a permanent solution to the problem. Finally, we present the debate between Rousseau and Diderot on the possibility of a general society of humankind as a solution for peace. Our hypothesis is that the project of Political Institutions, if realized, would bring elements that would put Rousseau as a closer writer of political realism than tradition and philosophy manuals suppose, trying to give our little contribution to the vast literature on the theme. The main texts of Rousseau discussed here are: the Discourse on Inequality, Social Contract, Principles of the law of war and the second chapter of the Geneva Manuscript entitled The general society of humankind. These last three make up the unfinished project of Political Institutions. / O objetivo geral da presente dissertação é investigar o tema da guerra, dentro do projeto das Instituições Políticas, a partir da trajetória percorrida por Rousseau desde as descrições de um estado de natureza pacífico, passando pela emergência dos Estados e a consequente deflagração do estado de guerra verificado nas relações internacionais. Para tanto é fundamental que se examine o assunto em vista de maneira linear, mantendo como centro o conhecimento do homem. O caminho a ser percorrido é o que leva à degeneração do ser humano a partir do ingresso na sociedade civil. Tal ingresso tem como proposta fomentar e manter a paz, porém, com o advento do Estado, ser moral cuja extensão e força são puramente relativas, cria uma correspondência desigual entre eles, engendrando guerras. Assim, o homem se vê numa condição mista: como indivíduo isolado, refém da lei natural; como cidadão partícipe da ordem social, submetido à lei civil; e como povo soberano, livre para relacionar-se com outros povos numa esfera internacional carente de mecanismos reguladores. Assim, dividimos a presente pesquisa em dois Capítulos. No primeiro, trataremos a questão do homem natural e do estado de natureza - caracterizado por Rousseau como um período de isolamento e simplicidade - até o momento do pacto histórico , gerador de uma ordem social corrupta, fruto da degeneração dos atributos naturais do homem ao ingressar na vida em sociedade. O Estado é criado, e com ele nasce a guerra. No segundo capítulo, apresentaremos o tema da fundação dos Estados-Nação e suas relações na esfera internacional. Abordaremos a questão da formação de uma sociedade legítima, bem constituída, como remédio para amainar as agruras decorrentes do pacto histórico . Trabalharemos sobretudo com os conceitos de liberdade, soberania e vontade geral. Em seguida adentraremos no tema da guerra, destacando os conceitos de estado de guerra e guerra legítima, ressaltando mais ainda o pessimismo de Rousseau acerca de uma solução definitiva para o problema. Por fim, apresentaremos o debate entre Rousseau e Diderot acerca da possibilidade de uma sociedade geral do gênero humano como solução para a paz. Nossa hipótese é a de que o projeto das Instituições Políticas, como um todo, se concretizado, traria elementos que colocariam Rousseau como um escritor mais próximo do realismo político do que a tradição e os manuais de filosofia supõem, tentando assim, dar nossa pequena contribuição à imensa bibliografia sobre o tema. Os principais textos de Rousseau aqui analisados são: o Discurso sobre a Desigualdade, o Contrato Social, o Princípios do direito da guerra e o segundo capítulo do Manuscrito de Genebra intitulado Da sociedade geral do gênero humano. Estes três últimos comporiam o projeto inacabado das Instituições Políticas.

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