在西方的政治發展研究中，呈現在傳統與現代之間的掙扎所造成的「認同危機」被認為是政治體系需要解決的問題之一，然而，在二次大戰結束後，許多殖民地相繼成立新興民族國家，認同危機已經不只是面對發展主義模式中的傳統╱現代的掙扎問題，而是更進一步地擴展到殖民關係對國家認同構成的影響，當時代進入今日的全球化世界中，認同危機更進一步擴展到文化侵略的後殖民問題。台灣處在多重殖民的歷史中，認同問題在八０年代解嚴以後成為一新興的社會思潮，過去「中國人」鐵板一塊的國家認同之板塊逐漸轉變為「台灣人」以及其他分歧的認同，本文嘗試用新國家主義研究途徑，以國家能力的轉變作為解釋國家認同變遷的切入點，希望能提供另一扇研究與解釋台灣認同問題的窗口。本論文擬透過歷史研究、資料蒐集與統計分析等研究方法進行問題探討，章節架構分為下述三大部分。第一部份介紹國家能力影響國家認同的學說與指標；第二部分計畫從國際因素、財政經濟因素與制度調控因素作為探討台灣國家能力之指標，說明國家能力指標如何影響台灣國家認同；第三部分為說明台灣的國家能力在國家認同變遷中扮演非常重要的影響力。預期的研究成果除了在學術上將西方的理論嘗試用來解釋台灣的情勢外，還希望能提供台灣的社會、國家與企業一個重新看待台灣國家認同變遷的新情勢與其原因。 / From the perspective of political development in the West, “Identity Crisis”, a struggle between tradition and modernization, is thought one of the problems in the political system which should be solved. However, the trend of national-state establishment after W.W.Ⅱ has made “Identity Crisis” not only a problem mentioned above, but also confusion over national identity through a process of omnipresent influence exercising by the preoccupied-country on the colony, in a larger sense. Moreover, when globalization proceeds, “Identity Crisis” is spread again into the postcolonial context indicated by culture-invasion. The history of Taiwan is multi-colonial, so the identity issue has become a new social thought after the martial law was declared ended in 1980s’. The Chinese identity, which was thought a monolithic bloc in the past, now switches into the Taiwanese identity and others. This dissertation tries to use the neo-statism approach to explain the change of identity in Taiwan in a hope to provide another window to the studies on the identity problem in Taiwan. This dissertation, which aims to analyze the identity problem in Taiwan by history review, data collection and statistics, is structured into three parts. The first is to introduce the theory and indexes of state capacity influencing national identity. The second is to use three indexes, factors of international environment, factors of finance and economics, and factors of system-control, to show how state capacity influences national identity in Taiwan. The last part is to elaborate on the influence of the state capacity of Taiwanese government play an important role in the face of national identity transition. This dissertation not only hopes to apply western theories to Taiwan’s situation, but also hopes to provide the society, the government, and the industry a view on developments and reasons of the changing national identity in Taiwan.

1973年西德聯邦憲法法院作出東、西德基礎條約判決指陳 ”基礎條約的特殊性在於，它雖是一項適用國際法規則、並且具有國際法條約效力的兩國間之雙邊條約，然而這兩個國家卻是一個始終尚存、又保有同一民族的整體德國之兩部份”。西德以「基本法（Das Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, GG）」治國，在政治自由與經濟成長的輝煌成果，對社會主義東德產生催枯拉朽的體系瓦解，並導致兩個德國在1990年10月3日正式復歸「統一」。 國族認同在德國既因為納粹時代的誤用而被視為一種罪惡及禁忌，二次戰後的德國人，既不能像其他國族國家的人民一般以土地作為政治共同體認同的對象，也不能繼續以國族為認同的對象，乃發展出以體制為認同的對象。統一後德國經濟的表現與落差，不如原先之預測與期待，隨之而來的是，認同自己是「德東人」的前東德人卻越來越多。1990年統一之初，有六成一的東德人回答自己是「德國人」，到了2000年時，認同自己是「東德人」的竟高達七成七。以歷史的角度來看，所謂的日耳曼民族「統一」，在漫長的歷史長河裏，是否竟成短暫一瞬？國族認同其實是不斷「轉變」、需要被「建構」？ 德東人的國族認同似乎印證此一說法。 / The decision of the Federal Constitutional Court in the Basic Treaty of 1973 stated “ The specialty of the treaty is that it applies to, as well as effects, a bilateral international treaty between two states which are existing for long and keep the same nation in the two divisions of the entire Germany as a whole.” The significant political freedoms and economic prosperity that West Germany established under the Grundgesetz (Basic Law), which across the border many of East Germany’s citizens looked to, eventually led to the collapse of socialist and the consequent official unification of two German states into one again on 3rd October 1990. Due to the Nazis’ distortion of national identity, as well as the changing border in historical Germany, an ideology of identity in political communities has appeared on “systems” for the postwar German, rather than on “nations” or “lands” as for people in other nation state. Alongside the social unequal and decline derived from the disappointing economic performance after unification, more and more pre East German now declare themselves “East German”. In 1990, 61% of pre East German recognized “German”, while in 2000 77% of those recognized “East German”. From the historical point of view, the so called “Germanic unification” ultimate becomes a short memory in the long history? National identity actually transforms and needs to be continuously constructed? The terms of pre East German seem in support of this indication.

Today, different parts of a value chain operate in different places, different firms may hold ranges of brands with different national heritages, and leaders, shareholders and customers are widely spread across the world. Policy makers are facing new challenges as national borders define less and less of corporate thinking. In this paper, we argue that there is a need to find a new way of how to understand the relationship between business and nation-states. The theoretical framework was constructed by breaking down the concept of national identity of companies. We found four different aspects that we argue can connect business to nations, and in the empirical study, our ambition is to test this framework. By conducting the study using qualitative content analysis, we aim to answer the research question of if it possible to understand the national identity of companies through different aspects of business, and if so, how this is reflected in the national trade policies of four countries. Our results showed that by looking beyond the traditional view of national identity of companies, policy makers have three important factors to take into regards when considering their relations to business; location, culture and contribution.

This thesis provides an institutional explanation for the peaceful solution of the conflict between the Moldovan state and its small Gagauz minority in the period from 1988 to 1995. The central argument is that different institutional arrangements during this time had a direct effect on the Moldovan state’s capacity to bring about autonomy for the Gagauz. I show how Gagauz leaders, conditioned by the territorial-based structures of the Soviet Union, mobilized a political movement to push for the creation of an autonomous republic, and how this preference for autonomy remained the consistent demand of the Gagauz throughout the early years of post-communist transition. This finding supports the contention that Gagauz preferences cannot be used to explain the rich variation in political outcomes during this period. I assert that the critical changes were essentially institutional: new electoral laws; revised parliamentary rules and procedures; and a complete rewriting of Moldova’s constitution. These innovations were crucial in enabling the inclusive-minded majority in the Moldovan parliament to overcome the power of nationalist veto players by increasing the majority’s control of the legislative agenda. The importance of these institutional factors is examined by careful analysis of the different stages of the Moldovan parliament’s accommodation of the Gagauz: from separatism and stalemate to compromise. Furthermore, I reassert the central role of institutional arrangements by discounting the external influence of Turkey as a patron state on the successful negotiations between Moldova and the Gagauz. Using previously unresearched archival material, unstructured interviews with many of the key actors, and local media reporting, this thesis challenges existing accounts of the Gagauz conflict in Moldova. These accounts assert that either the Gagauz reaction to titular nationalism or the shifting preferences of strategic-thinking elites was the key causal factor of the political outcomes observed during this period. In contrast, this thesis shows that institutional design played a decisive role in the resolution of this conflict. The findings of this research offer useful lessons for other ethnically-divided states with mobilized minorities.

The main goal of this thesis was an investigation into the ways in which whiteness is constructed and positioned in the South African soap opera, 7de Laan, and the Flemish soap opera, Thuis, with the emphasis on the possible implications of these constructions for local as well as global discourses on whiteness in the media. In conjunction with the above, this thesis endeavoured to answer a number of subquestions relating to the origin and history of the construct of “whiteness” and Critical Whiteness Studies (CWS) as a theoretical approach and its relevance in the South African and Flemish contexts, specifically as it pertains to the analysis of mass media texts like 7de Laan and Thuis. It, moreover, sought to explore if and how whiteness functions as an organising principle in the narratives and representations of these soap operas with the emphasis on potential similarities, differences and the kinds of whiteness constructed in these texts. Finally, the goal was to draw conclusions on the possible implications of these differences and similarities in the wider context of the way in which whiteness functions in the media. To that end I conducted a controlled case comparison of a sample from these two community soap opera texts, which was informed by a literature review and deep description of each context as part of the qualitative approach I chose to take. Despite a number of similarities between the two contexts, they still differ significantly, and this afforded me an opportunity to highlight both the consistencies and particularities in the ideological patterning of representations of whiteness, across seemingly unrelated domains, to illustrate its pervasiveness. Added to the emergence of three shared rhetorical devices perpetuating whiteness in both texts, I was also able to draw conclusions about the unique way in which whiteness functions in 7de Laan in particular, since South Africa remains the primary context of the study. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil.(Communication)

No description available.

Människors uppfattning om sig själva och sin omvärld påverkas mycket av medierna de konsumerar, i synnerhet nyhetsmedier, och nu kanske mer än någonsin genom den ökade tillgängligheten. För personer med delad nationell identitet, till exempel immigranter, kan nyhetskonsumtionen både påverka och påverkas av hur relationen till det nuvarande respektive tidigare hemlandet är och utvecklas. Den här uppsatsen bygger på två jämförande fallstudier, båda bestående av webbenkäter och intervjuer, som kartlägger och jämför användarvanor gällande nyhetskonsumtion bland svenskar bosatta på Island respektive islänningar bosatta i Sverige. För att försöka förstå och förklara vilka faktorer som påverkar användningen av nyhetsmedier har en tredelad modell lånats från tidigare forskning (Wadbring & Andersson, 2016) och aningen modifierad använts som ramverk. Resultaten visar att fördelningen i konsumtion mellan det nuvarande och tidigare hemlandets nyhetsmedier är nästintill identisk för både svenskar på Island och islänningar i Sverige, där det nuvarande hemlandets nyhetsmedier dominerar något. Även gällande olika bakgrundsfaktorer följs de båda urvalsgruppernas nyhetsmedieanvändning åt. Förhoppningen är att uppsatsen ska kunna bidra till en större förståelse för det nuvarande respektive tidigare hemlandets nyheters betydelse för människor med delad nationell identitet.

This thesis examines the performance of Indian classical dance in the contemporary 'diaspora space' (Brah 1996) represented by the city of London. My aim is to analyse whether and how performances of "national" art, assumed to represent an equally "national" culture, change when performed in transnational contexts. Drawing upon theories of postcolonialism, multiculturalism and diaspora, I begin my study with an historical analysis of the reconstructed origins of the dance in the intertwined discourses of British colonialism and Indian nationalism. Using this analysis to ground my ethnography of the present-day practice of the dance, I unearth its relation to discourses of contemporary multiculturalism and South Asian diasporic identity. I then demonstrate specific ways in which the relationship between colonial and postcolonial artistic production on the one hand and contemporary performances of national and multicultural identity on the other are visible in the current practices and approaches of diasporic and multicultural Indian classical dancers. My thesis advances the scholarship that has demonstrated the link between the construction of Indian classical dance and the Indian nationalist movement by highlighting particular ways in which historical narrative, national and religious identities, gendered ideals and racialised categories are constituted through, and help produce in turn, contemporary Indian classical dance practices in the diaspora. Locating my study in the UK while still accounting for the Indian nationalist aspects of the dance, my contribution to the scholarly literature is to analyse its performance in relation to both Indian and British national identity. My research demonstrates that Indian classical dance is co-produced by both British and Indian national discourses and their respective cultural and political imperatives, even as the dance contributes to the formation of British, Indian and South Asian diasporic politico-cultural identities.

This thesis examines the relationship between political movements and people during the civil war between Angola’s MPLA government and the UNITA rebels in the Central Highlands region. It shows how conflicting ideas about political legitimacy originating in anticolonial struggle informed leaders’ decisions and formed the basis of their efforts to politicise people. Much existing literature sees civil conflict in terms of rebellion against a state, motivated by grievance or by the desire for loot. I argue against such an approach in the Angolan case, since the MPLA and UNITA originated from different strands of nationalism, and neither achieved complete control over Angola’s territory and people. Instead, I draw on constructivist approaches to statehood in analysing the war as a contest in which both sides invoked ideas of the state in asserting their legitimacy. The MPLA state controlled the cities while UNITA established rural bases and a bush capital, Jamba. Violence, often involving the capture of people, occurred at the margins of the areas of influence. Within each zone, each movement controlled public discourse to make its control hegemonic. Each presented itself as the authentic representative of the Angolan nation and condemned the other movement as the agent of foreign interests. These nationalist claims were given substance by processes of state building, more fully realised by the MPLA than by UNITA. Each movement’s claim to statehood served to legitimise its own violence while criminalising the violence of the other side. Public dissent was prohibited in either zone, but people’s responses to politicisation ranged from genuine support, to co-operating only as necessary to avoid punishment, depending largely on their degree of involvement in the state building process. War itself was central to constituting perceptions of common interest, and political actors’ capacity to manipulate perceptions depended largely on military control.

This thesis looks at the role of discrimination and ethnic group identity as explanations of political behaviour of ethnic minorities in Britain. Chapter 2 examines vote choice and partisanship, arguing that a group utility heuristic explains the high level of support for the Labour party among ethnic minorities. I provide individual-level evidence of this heuristic by showing that ethnic minority voters support the Labour party to the extent that they are (i) conscious of the experiences of their ethnic group members with regards to discrimination, and (ii) believe that the Labour party is the best political party to represent their interests. These two attitudes mediate the effects of group-level inequalities. Chapter 3 asks whether Muslims are alienated from mainstream politics by Islamophobia and British military intervention in Muslim countries. I find that perceptions of Islamophobia are linked with greater political alienation, to a greater likelihood of non-electoral participation, but also to a lesser likelihood of voting. Likewise, disapproval of the war in Afghanistan is associated with greater political alienation and a greater likelihood of some types of non-electoral participation. I also provide strong evidence that Muslims in Britain experience more religious discrimination than adherents of other minority religions. Chapter 4 considers the interaction between the extreme right and ethnic minority political attitudes and behaviour. I find evidence that the extreme right British National Party (BNP) increases voting for the Labour party, at the expense of minor parties and abstention. Surprisingly, the BNP effect also benefits the other main parties. Although they do not benefit in increased vote share, Liberal Democrat and Conservative party and leader evaluations are more positive where the BNP stood and performed better in 2010, which I suggest is due to the electoral contrast provided by the BNP. Chapter 5 looks at the mobilisation effect of ethnic minority candidates on ethnic minority voters. I find a positive mobilisation effect of Pakistani and Muslim Labour candidates on Pakistani and Muslim voters, conditional on someone trying to convince the respondent how to vote. I also find a demobilisation effect of Labour Muslim candidates on Sikh voters.