Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:21:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Meire Lia Lima.pdf: 2573683 bytes, checksum: f67ce4abd841b3978da175c1f50eee47 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-26 / The objective of this research is to analyze the debate about the reduction of the penal age in the seven National Conferences of Children s and Adolescent s Rights, and the emergent meanings of these spaces where important social actors from the government and civil society meet for the formulation and control of the policies concerning children and adolescents. Under the perspective of Vygotsky´s social-historical theory, the historical and dialectical materialism method guided the organization, systematization and analysis of the public documents used in this study. First, look at the history of childhood and adolescence in Brazil in order to identify the continuities and ruptures in the legal interventions aimed to protect children and adolescents in situation of poverty and abandonment. Next, the literature about adolescent perpetration and the reduction of criminal age was taken up. Last, the Conanda´s public documents were examined, revealing their instruments and forms of debate production, policy construction and design to meet the needs of the delinquent teen and the emergence of the debate on reducing the penal age in those criminal contexts. Four major themes were found: 1. Institutional position of the government penal responsibility is given through special legislation; 2. Institutional position of the conferences tension between the defense of the children´s and adolescents´ rights and its institutional strengthening; 3. Policy elaboration and implementation: the search for the autonomy of the government and civil society; and 4. Tension between the meanings given to delinquent teens: victim and/or social problem. These are complimentary in the discussion about the reduction of the penal age and allow one to grasp the focus change from the delinquent teen and the debates on the penal age reduction to the unquestionable need for the creation and implementation of a socioeducational policy. Besides the contradictions, other issues and challenges to effectively implement the Brazilian children´s and adolescents´rights are also discussed. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é o de analisar o debate sobre a redução da idade penal nas sete Conferências Nacionais dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente, e os significados emergentes nesses espaços onde se reúnem atores sociais do poder público e sociedade civil importantes para formulação e controle das políticas de atendimento aos direitos de crianças e adolescentes. Sob a perspectiva da teoria sócio-histórica de Vygotsky, tomou-se o método do materialismo histórico e dialético como orientador dos procedimentos metodológicos para organização, sistematização e análise dos documentos públicos utilizados nesse estudo: lei de criação do Conanda e decretos que o regulamentam, regimentos interno, resoluções e anais das conferências. Primeiramente, percorreu-se a história da infância e adolescência no Brasil, com o intuito de apreender as continuidades e rupturas no âmbito das intervenções realizadas às crianças e adolescentes em situação de pobreza e abandono. Em seguida, buscou-se a literatura sobre o tema do adolescente autor de ato infracional e a redução da idade penal. Estudou-se o Conanda, as Conferências, por meio de seus documentos públicos, desvelando seus instrumentos e formas de produção do debate, a construção e o delineamento das políticas para o atendimento ao adolescente autor de ato infracional, e a emergência do debate sobre a redução da idade penal nesses contextos. Encontraram-se quatro grandes significados: 1. Posição Institucional de Governo: a responsabilização penal se dá pela legislação especial; 2. Posição Institucional dos Conselhos: tensão entre a defesa dos direitos da criança e do adolescente e seu próprio fortalecimento institucional; 3. Elaboração e Implementação de Políticas: a busca pela isonomia do Governo e Sociedade Civil; e 4. A tensão dos significados atribuídos aos adolescentes autores de ato infracional: vítima e/ou problema social. Estes são complementares na discussão sobre a redução da idade penal e permitem apreender: a mudança de foco, do adolescente autor de ato infracional e os debates sobre a redução ou não da idade penal, para a indiscutível necessidade de implantação e implementação de uma política de atendimento socioeducativo; além das contradições, impasses e desafios para a efetivação dos direitos de crianças e adolescentes brasileiras.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafaela Aparecida Cocchiola Silva.pdf: 1379763 bytes, checksum: d9169bc2e127b4e663e564ed9fc381ae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-07-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work had the intention to understand the mental disorders in political discussions focused on the health of the worker and the inclusion of this diagnostic category as a group of disease caused or triggered by conditions and labor relations. The proposal is based on theoretical and methodological perspective in the Social Discursive Psychology constructionist strand where the research assumes that knowledge is a collective enterprise, and thus a social practice. The theme of mental disorders in a professional context is an old subject in specialized literature, it is possible to find texts were mental disorders such as depression resulting from the use of substances harmful to health, were described in Ancient times. We can also find studies on mental disorders in the 1950s in France on the neurosis of the telephone. However, in Brazil, mental disorders were recognized as a group of diseases related to work only in 1999 by Decree 3048, which were divided in a set of 12 diagnostic categories and their etiologic agents or risk factors of occupational origin. It is argued that the inclusion of mental disorders and work-related illness stems from a confluence of factors which have allowed the expansion of the concept of health, seen not only as the absence of disease. Another important fact were the advances around the social prejudice against the subject of mental disorders and refining ways to recognize the causal connection based on the methodology of the Nexus Technical Epidemiological Welfare (NTEP), implemented by Social Security in 2007 for granting welfare benefits. The entry of mental disorders in policies on workers' health was examined considering the difficulties in recognizing the link between work and disease from the perspective of the three Conferences National Occupational Health. The debate about mental disorders was included on the agenda for health policy geared to the employee specifically in the 2nd CSNT held in 1994, and discussed that the difficulties of this recognition by both unionists and workers, were related to the peculiar characteristics of mental illnesses viewed as a source of individual illness and not as a consequence of the conditions and labor relations. Such a conception of individual determinants of mental disorders permeated the difficulties of recognizing the causal relationship, understood as the object of disputes and set of interests among the actors involved in the recognition of this issue as a work related disease, taken here as forms of regulation by biopower / Este trabalho teve por foco entender os transtornos mentais nas discussões políticas voltadas à saúde do trabalhador e a inclusão dessa categoria diagnóstica como um grupo de doença decorrente ou desencadeada pelas condições e relações de trabalho. A proposta se fundamenta na perspectiva teórico-metodológica da Psicologia Social Discursiva na vertente construcionista em que as pesquisas assumem que o conhecimento é um empreendimento coletivo, e, portanto, uma prática social. A temática dos transtornos mentais no âmbito profissional é assunto antigo na literatura especializada, sendo possível localizar textos em que patologias mentais, como a depressão decorrente do manuseio de substâncias nocivas à saúde, foram descritas na Antiguidade. Também podem ser localizados estudos sobre os transtornos mentais na década de 1950 na França sobre a neurose das telefonistas. Entretanto, no Brasil, os transtornos mentais foram reconhecidos como um grupo de doenças relacionadas ao trabalho somente em 1999, pelo Decreto 3.048, em que foram discriminados um conjunto de 12 categorias diagnósticas e seus respectivos agentes etiológicos ou fatores de risco de origem ocupacional. Argumenta-se que a inclusão dos transtornos mentais como doença relacionada ao trabalho decorre da confluência de fatores que propiciaram a ampliação da noção de saúde, vista não apenas como ausência de doença; dos avanços sociais em torno do preconceito em relação à temática dos transtornos mentais e do aprimoramento das formas de reconhecimento do nexo causal a partir da metodologia do Nexo Técnico Epidemiológico Previdenciário (NTEP), implantado pela Previdência Social em 2007 para a concessão dos benefícios previdenciários. A entrada dos transtornos mentais nas políticas voltadas à saúde dos trabalhadores foi analisada considerando as dificuldades em se reconhecer o nexo entre trabalho e a doença na perspectiva das três Conferencias Nacionais de Saúde do Trabalhador (CNST). O debate sobre os transtornos mentais foi incluído na agenda política de saúde voltada ao trabalhador especificamente na 2ª CSNT, realizada em 1994, sendo discutido que as dificuldades desse reconhecimento tanto pelos sindicalistas quanto pelos próprios trabalhadores relacionavam-se às características peculiares das doenças mentais vistas como forma de adoecimento e de origem exclusivamente individual e não como decorrente das condições e relações de trabalho. Tal concepção sobre determinantes individuais dos transtornos mentais permeavam as dificuldades do reconhecimento do nexo causal, entendidos como objeto de disputas e jogo de interesses entre os atores envolvidos no processo de reconhecimento desta temática como doença relacionada ao trabalho, tomados neste estudo como formas de regulação pelo biopoder

L’analyse logique et systémique de la transition constitutionnelle permet de comprendre la réussite de la démocratisation au Bénin. La transition constitutionnelle fut en effet l’instrument de sa transition démocratique, dont elle est également le révélateur.La Conférence nationale fut l’organe central de cette transition constitutionnelle, ce qui généra un processus constituant inclusif et consensuel. Ces deux principes directeurs ont favorisé l’adoption d’une Constitution équilibrée et légitime en intégrant la diversité sociale au processus constituant. Plus encore, ils ont pacifié les relations politiques et incité les acteurs à respecter les règles établies, en les contraignant à coopérer. Pour y parvenir, la rationalisation de la transition fut essentielle. Elle s’est fondée sur des organes adaptés et sur la constitutionnalisation du processus, qui a agi comme un cliquet anti-retour. Ce constitutionnalisme émergent dut cependant cohabiter avec le pragmatisme, car une rationalisation effective impliquait d’adapter ses instruments au contexte spécifique de la transition.L’inclusion et le consensus, combinés à la cooptation des acteurs et à un constitutionnalisme pragmatique, ont ainsi permis l’adoption d’une Constitution facilitant la consolidation démocratique. Cette réussite révèle que ce droit constitutionnel de transition spécifique est plus démocratisant que le recours au droit constitutionnel démocratique. L’analyse comparative démontre que ce constat n’est pas propre au Bénin. Elle confirme également que la mise en œuvre d’un processus inclusif et consensuel dépend certes des choix des acteurs, mais est aussi conditionnée par leurs rapports de force. / The logical and systemic analysis of the constitutional transition allows to understand the success of democratization in Benin. The constitutional transition was indeed the instrument of its democratic transition, as much as it reveals it. The National Conference was the central organ of this constitutional transition, which generated an inclusive and consensual constituent process. These two guiding principles favored the adoption of a well-balanced and legitimate Constitution by integrating social diversity into the constituent process. Moreover, they pacified political relations and fostered actors to respect the established rules, by forcing them to cooperate. To achieve this, the rationalization of the transition was essential. It relied on appropriated organs and on constitutionnalization of the process, which acted as an anti-return pawl. This emergent constitutionalism had however to cohabit with pragmatism, since an effective rationalization implied to adapt its instruments to the specific context of the transition.Inclusion and consensus, combined with co-optation of actors and a pragmatic constitutionalism, allowed the adoption of a Constitution facilitating democratic consolidation. This success reveals that this specific transitional constitutional Law is more democratizing than the recourse to democratic constitutional Law. The comparative analysis demonstrates that this fiding is not specific to Benin. It also confirms that the implementation of an inclusive and consensual process certainly depends on the choices made by the actors but is also conditional on their balance of power.

Cette thèse met en lumière l’apport considérable du juge constitutionnel de la 5ème République nigérienne, dans l’œuvre de la protection audacieuse du principe de la suprématie de la Constitution (du 09 août 1999). L’exposition du schéma organisationnel de la justice constitutionnelle s’opère sans préjudice du nécessaire rappel de l’histoire socio-politique mouvementée du Niger, qui n’est pas étrangère dans l’originalité qui fonde le modèle nigérien. L’évocation de l’activité constitutionnelle va s’atteler à la mise en évidence des grandes décisions de la Cour, aussi bien dans le cadre de la défense des droits fondamentaux garantis, que celui de la régulation constitutionnelle du fonctionnement des institutions de la République. La jurisprudence relative au Président de la République, qui bénéficie d’un chapitre entier est au cœur de la problématique de la consolidation de la démocratisation du Niger post-Conférence nationale de 1991. L’étude fait ressortir une trajectoire d’analyse ambivalente. D’une part, la ré-fondation de la justice constitutionnelle par la consécration d’une juridiction spécialisée et indépendante, a eu pour effet de plonger le Niger dans l’ère de la démocratie constitutionnelle. D’autre part, l’audace du juge constitutionnel s’est avérée insuffisante, face à la dérive autoritaire du Président de la République de l’été 2009 (dissolution de la Cour). Il n’en demeure pas moins que, le constitutionnalisme démocratique ébauché sous la 5ème République semble bien demeurer la révolution appropriée de lutte contre toute résurgence autoritaire. / This dissertation highlights the considerable contribution of the constitutional judge of the 5th Republic of Niger, in the audacious protection work of the supremacy of the Constitution principle (the 9th of August, 1999). The presentation of the organizational structure of constitutional law requires taking into account Niger’s sociopolitical history, which has contributed to the model of constitutional justice of Niger. The evocation of constitutional activity underlines the major decisions of the Court, regarding the defense of the guaranteed basic rights as well as the constitutional regulation of the functioning of the Republic's institutions. An entire chapter is dedicated to the case law regarding the President of the Republic, which has been in the center of the issue of strengthening the democratization of Niger since the National Conference of 1991. The research results in the ambivalent analysis. On the one hand, the re-foundation of the constitutional justice through the institution of a specialized and independent jurisdiction marked Niger's entry into an era of constitutional democracy. On the other hand, the constitutional judge audacity has proved deficient facing the authoritarian trend of the President of the Republic in 2009 (dissolution of the Court). Nonetheless, the democratic constitutionalism designed under the 5th Republic of Niger seems to remain an appropriate revolution to fight against any authoritarian resurgence.