Aus der Einführung: "Auf der Webseite des Vereines Deutscher Ingenieure (VDI) findet bis heute die Geschichte der Ingenieure in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus nicht statt.1 Das mag mit der spezifischen Funktion einer Webseite zusammenhängen, die auf eine gute Außendarstellung zielt. Gleichwohl ist die Rolle dieser Berufsgruppe im NS-System ein wichtiger Forschungsgegenstand, innerhalb dessen die damaligen Selbst- und Fremdbilder der Ingenieure zu analysieren sind."

There are surprisingly detailed similarities between Germany and the USA on their way towards the Second World War. In this paper, I have compared the nations' expansionist philosophies, their encounter with racism, and the internal conflicts between authoritarian leadership and democracy. I began with an overview of Manifest Destiny and the German myth of the East. Next, I summed up the deep changes that the First World War caused for both societies and how they went into the Great Depression. I examined the rise of scientific racism as part of the international eugenics movement and the emergence of populist leaders during the economic crisis. It became clear that neither expansionism nor racism were genuine German ideologies. In fact, the American Manifest Destiny served as a role-model for German plans in the East. Even the racist concepts of the Third Reich were strongly influenced by American scientists. The main difference seems to be the experience with the First World War and the diversity of American protest during the crisis.

The article examines (dis)continuities with regard to organisational frameworks, individual careers, ideological foundations as well as practices of nationalist activism in contact zones. On the example of today’s Austrian-Slovenian borderland, the contribution focuses on specific German Nationalist (and later National Socialist) aspirations to homogenize the diverse population of targeted territories in favour of ‘Germanness’. It takes into account the preconditions and histories of German nationalist ‘Grenzland’ consciousness in the Austrian provinces of Carinthia and Styria as well as their neighbouring Slovene territories (Upper Carniola and Lower Styria) and traces the development of what is termed ‘Grenzland’-activism across the ruptures of 1918, 1938/39/41 and 1945 up until the 1970s. With this spatial and temporal focus, the article not only shows the intertwinements of as well as changing emphasis on historical, biological and cultural justifications of this nationalist activism in the context of shifting state borders. By working out and relating the specifics of each phase, the paper at hand also uncovers the striking continuities of ideological, individual and practical aspects of German nationalist activism from its beginnings to the extremist peak during the Nazi period up until the mid-/late 20th century.

In the early 20th century, there were few therapeutic options for mental illness and asylum numbers were rising. This pessimistic outlook favoured the rise of the eugenics movement. Heredity was assumed to be the principal cause of mental illness. Politicians, scientists and clinicians in North America and Europe called for compulsory sterilisation of the mentally ill. Psychiatric genetic research aimed to prove a Mendelian mode of inheritance as a scientific justification for these measures. Ernst Rüdin’s seminal 1916 epidemiological study on inheritance of dementia praecox featured large, systematically ascertained samples and statistical analyses. Rüdin’s 1922–1925 study on the inheritance of “manic-depressive insanity” was completed in manuscript form, but never published. It failed to prove a pattern of Mendelian inheritance, counter to the tenets of eugenics of which Rüdin was a prominent proponent. It appears he withheld the study from publication, unable to reconcile this contradiction, thus subordinating his carefully derived scientific findings to his ideological preoccupations. Instead, Rüdin continued to promote prevention of assumed hereditary mental illnesses by prohibition of marriage or sterilisation and was influential in the introduction by the National Socialist regime of the 1933 “Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring” (Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses).

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Cette étude comprend l'analyse et le commentaire de quelques cent-trente-cinq caricatures qui ont pour but de tenter de répondre à la question sur l'éventualité d'une reconstitution historique au travers des caricatures antihitlériennes de la presse satirique de la République de Weimar. Elles illustrent la montée du national-socialisme, du moins par le biais de la critique, puis de l'opposition et de la révolte, que ce dernier a pu susciter au cours des années 1923-1933. Ce travail a nécessité la recherche de faits politiques précis auxquels chaque caricature faisait référence et la comparaison de la représentation proposée par la caricature avec les informations et les jugements donnés rétrospectivement par les historiens. Ce jeu de va-et-vient entre le document-source et l'arrière-plan référentiel a aidé à proposer une estimation de l'écho suscité ou non par l'événement politique en question. Ce choix de caricatures a permis par exemple de voir quelles avaient été les apparitions de Hitler sur la scène politique qui avaient le plus déchaîné les passions. Toutefois il reste difficile de concevoir une histoire de la montée du national-socialisme et de l'opposition à Hitler avant 1933 à partir des seules caricatures. / This study is made up of the analysis and commentary of some one hundred and thirty-five caricatures in an attempt to resolve the question of a possible historical reconstruction through anti-Hitler caricatures in the satirical press of the Weimar Republic. They illustrate the rise of National Socialism, at least as seen by the critics and then the opposition and revolt that the former actually gave rise to between 1923 and 1933. The work bas required research into the precise political events referred to by each caricature and the comparison between the representation proposed by the caricature and the information and the opinion provided in retrospect by historians. This coming and going between the original document and the referential background has led to an assessment of the extent of the coverage given to the political event in question. The choice of caricatures has allowed for instance to see which appearances in public by Hitler had unleashed the most passion. Nevertheless it still remains difficult to establish a history of the rise of National Socialism and of the opposition to Hitler before 1933 from these caricatures alone.

A tese objetiva analisar a forma como o Sínodo Evangélico Luterano do Brasil (hoje Igreja Evangélica Luterana do Brasil), proveniente do Sínodo de Missouri dos Estados Unidos, se posicionou em relação a assuntos em evidência da década de 1940 no Brasil, como questões envolvendo o Germanismo e o Nacional Socialismo Alemão presentes entre teuto-brasileiros. Além disso, o Sínodo necessitou adaptar-se às novas imposições da Campanha de Nacionalização do Governo de Getúlio Vargas, que visava o abrasileiramento de todos os imigrantes e seus descendentes residentes em solo brasileiro. A análise dos pressupostos do Sínodo a respeito destas questões compreende a premissa da Confessionalidade Luterana que, no entender do Sínodo, expressa uma necessária separação entre Igreja e Estado. Através de um processo judicial que envolveu dois pastores do Sínodo, presos e condenados no que ficou registrado na história como a Trama Nazi-integralista de Cruz Alta, resgatamos a visão que as autoridades brasileiras da época possuíam do Sínodo Evangélico Luterano do Brasil, especialmente no que tange ao Germanismo e ao Nacional Socialismo. / This dissertation aims at analyzing the way in which the former Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Brazil (now Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil), originating from the Missouri Synod of the United States, took a stand in the 1940s as regards the then-current issues in Brazil, such as matters involving Germanism and the German National Socialism among Teuto-Brazilians. Besides that, the Synod needed to adapt itself to the new impositions of the Nationalization Campaign ordained by the government of Getúlio Vargas, which was meant to brazilianize all immigrants and their descendants living on Brazilian soil. The analysis of the assumptions held by the Synod on those issues encompasses the premise of Lutheran Confessionalism which as the Synod sees it spells a necessary separation of Church and State. Also, by looking into a lawsuit involving two Synod pastors who were arrested and convicted in what came to be historically termed as the Nazi-Integralist Plot of Cruz Alta/RS, we have retrieved the viewpoint Brazilian authorities of that time had on the Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Brazil, especially concerning Germanism and the National Socialism.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gilbert Isidore Levy.pdf: 463680 bytes, checksum: 20f71bab4412290f4a2ba9639dbd2e37 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-11-12 / This research encompasses two parts: a matrix and the manifestations of the totalitarian Power. The matrix is analyzed on its cultural, social and political aspects, focusing on the National Socialist German totalitarian experience. The cultural matrix puts into evidence a Conservative Revolucionary movement and the influence of the nihilist culture on national Socialist speech, from the studies of Louis Dupeux and of Léo Strauss. The social matrix is based on the work developed by George Mosse regarding the social impact of the 1st World War on the civilian society, on which he denominates the brutalization of the German society. The political matrix seeks to unveil the essence of the totalitarian Power. It is based on the observations of three important authors: Claude Lefort, who points out that the roots of the totalitarianism are in the ambiguities and imperfections of the democracy itself, with the concept of democratic indetermination. Aléxis de Tocqueville, with the tyranny of the majority, an expression that configures a political situation in which there is no counterweight to limit the excesses of power, nor protection to grant the natural rights of the minority, and, finally, Giorgio Agamben, starting from a study of the dialectical relation between the sovereign Power and the bare life, points to the danger coming from the vitalist political conception, denominated biopolitics by Foucault, when the same seeks the development of the vital potential of a nation. From the three aspects studied, in the political matrix the more conclusive explanations for the emergence of the totalitarianism is found. The democratic indetermination and the life´s politization are two subjects that stand out in this matrix, due to the relevance of the explanations from Lefort and Agamben, as the preponderant factors on the emergence of totalitarian dynamics. In the second part, the purpose is to demonstrate how this dynamic was expressed in Germany, during the National Socialist regime. For that, the following manifestations of the totalitarian power were outlined: völkische identity, Total State, Total Mobilization and Total war, illuminated by the observations from Bernard Bruneteau, to end with a picture of the totalitarian evil / Esta pesquisa compreende duas partes: a matriz e as manifestações do poder totalitário. A matriz é analisada no seu aspecto cultural, social e político, focalizando a experiência totalitária da Alemanha nacional-socialista. A matriz cultural evidencia a Revolução conservadora e a influência da cultura niilista, a partir dos estudos de Louis Dupeux e de Léo Strauss. A matriz social tem como base o trabalho de George Mosse sobre o impacto social da 1ª Guerra Mundial, que denomina a brutalização da sociedade alemã. A matriz política procura desvelar a essência do poder totalitário. Ela se baseia nas observações de três grandes autores: Claude Lefort, que aponta que a raiz do totalitarismo está nas ambigüidades e imperfeições da própria democracia, com o conceito de indeterminação democrática. Aléxis de Tocqueville com a tirania da maioria, expressão que caracteriza uma situação política na qual não existe contrapeso para limitar os excessos do poder, nem proteção para garantir os direitos naturais da minoria; e, finalmente, Giorgio Agamben, que a partir de um estudo da relação dialética entre o poder soberano e a vida nua, aponta o perigo decorrente de uma concepção vitalista da política, denominada por Foucault de biopolítica, quando a mesma almeja o desenvolvimento do potencial vital de uma nação. Dos três aspectos estudados, é na matriz política que se encontram as explicações mais conclusivas para o surgimento do totalitarismo. A indeterminação democrática e a politização da vida são dois temas que destacamos nesta matriz, devido à relevância das explicações de Lefort e de Agamben, como fatores preponderantes no desencadeamento da dinâmica totalitária. Na segunda parte, procura-se demonstrar como essa dinâmica se expressou na Alemanha, durante o regime nacional-socialista. Para tanto, foram pontuadas as seguintes manifestações do poder totalitário: Identidade-völkische, Estado total, Mobilização total e Guerra total, para finalizar com um retrato do mal totalitário

The focus of this thesis is on the process of myth-making (mythopoeia) in the Dutch National Socialist Movement (NSB) and the Swedish National Socialist Workers' Party (NSAP), using a cultural pragmatic approach to analyse the practicalities and implementation of mythopoeia comparatively. A variety of fascist performances, scripted and unscripted, are considered as having mythopoeic potential, and understood as performative in character, i.e. constituting the thing they claimed to represent. Multiple parts of this mythopoeic process are analysed: the resources, organisation, and technologies required to implement it, and the nature of the process, the events, performances, in other words the actual implementation, and reception by audiences. Secondly, it uses respectability as a means of seeing how in a national context this process was limited, inhibited, or otherwise defined by the standards of the public and media, to which fascists ultimately tried to appeal, thus providing an external perspective on fascist activities to contextualise them. The thesis is divided into four chapters, which deal with the party apparatus, leader myth, political uniforms, and the role of aesthetics and spectacle respectively. Together these chapters explore the relationship between mythopoeia and respectability as refracted through party organisation and administration, as embodied by the 'charismatic' fascist Leader, in the day-to-day behaviour and appearance of the rank-and-file, and ultimately the holistic experience of fascist aesthetics, i.e. the fully scripted and organised spectacles of party congresses. Ultimately it is shown that the fascist movements of Sweden and the Netherlands were highly innovative organisations. Mythopoeia had a powerful mobilising capacity, which could make up for the diminutive financial power and low membership figures of fascist parties. Finally it appears that the relationship between myth and respectability was not a straightforward dialectical one, but multivalent, and highly dynamic.