German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

German text / Gegenstand dieser Studie ist die historische Erforschung der deutschen Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen, modern ausgedrückt der evangelikalen Missionen in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Die bisherige Forschung hatte diesen Themenkomplex vernachlässigt. Diese Studie beschreibt, wie sich diese Missionsgesellschaften im Umfeld des nationalsozialistischen Unrechtsregimes verhielten. Da die Quellenlage problematisch ist, wird anhand der Missionsblätter aufgezeigt, wie die Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen zur Machtergreifung Hitlers standen. Dabei kristallisierte sich heraus, dass man sich überwiegend abseits von Nationalsozialismus, Rassismus und Antisemitismus positionierte. Allerdings blieb man in den Missionsblättern zur Bekennenden Kirche distanziert. Im Hauptteil dieser Studie kommt ein aus dem Quellenmaterial eruiertes Positionenspektrum zum Vorschein, welches von NS-Affinität bis Verfolgung reicht. Dieses ist an acht biographischen Einzelstudien nachgezeichnet. Schließlich hat sich gezeigt, dass die Schuldfrage in der Nachkriegzeit kaum eine Rolle spielte. Als Ergebnis kann konstatiert werden, dass die politische Ethik der Glaubens- und Gemeinschaftsmissionen nur rudimentär vorhanden war und sich lediglich in Obrigkeitsgehorsam und apolitischer Grundhaltung zeigt. / The subject of this study is a historical examination of the German faith-missions (in contemporary terms: evangelical missions) during the period of National Socialism. This topic has been neglected in scholarly research to date. This study describes how these mission agencies acted in the context of the unlawful regime of National Socialism. Due to a problematic source basis, the attitude the faith missions took towards the ursupation of power by Hitler is demonstrated based on their own periodical publications. It emerges that they largely positioned themselves at a distance to National Socialism, racism and anti-semitism. However these publications also demonstrate a distance to the “Confessing Church”. In the main body the examination of eight exemplary biographies based on detailed sources portrays an array of different positions which range from affinity to the NS-system to persecution. Furthermore the study shows that the issue of failure or guilt hardly played any role in the postwar period. This study leads to the conclusion the political ethics of the German faith missions were only rudimentarily developed, and only evinced themselves in an obedience to the powers that be and in a basically apolitical attitude. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This dissertation analyzes the efforts to develop a pluralistic political culture and democratic practices of governance through the training of democratic leaders in Germany's first school of public affairs, the German School of Politics. The investigation of the thought-leaders that formed this school illustrates two main points. First, through the prism of the School, I detail the efforts to develop a conception of civil society that, by being grounded in civility, could retie social bonds and counter the brutalization of politics characteristic of the post-World War One years. By providing practical knowledge, courses in public affairs could not only free Germans from the blinders of ideologies, but also instill in them an ethos that would help viewing the political enemy as an opponent with an equal right to participate in the political process. Secondly, I point to the limits of trans-national philanthropy in supporting the development of civil society in young democracies. By analyzing the relationship between U.S. foundations and the School, I focus on the asymmetry that existed between American ideals of democracy and the realities of the German political system. This study thus focuses on the dynamics between the actions of institutions and organizations, and the broader social behaviors that constitute public life.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the establishment and development of lectureships in the Swedish language in German universities during the first half of the 20th century. Building on earlier research about the role of language teaching abroad for public diplomacy, the study sees the lecturer as a part of both the the academic and political fields in Germany and Sweden. The establishment of and changes in the system of lectureships in Swedish 1906–1945 are explained through an analysis of the actors involved and of the assets allowing the actors to control both the establishment of lectureships and the appointment of lecturers in Germany. During the Weimar Republic a number of actors were involved in the establishment of the lectureships. They included academics with a scholarly interest in Scandinavian languages and old Norse,, the German state, which worked to promote the study of foreign countries and interna­tional academic mobility as a way of breaking German isolation after World War I, and the Swedish organization for the preservation of Swedishness abroad for which the teaching of Swed­ish abroad was a way of increasing the academic status of the language. After the National Social­ist takeover in 1933 the NSDAP and the Swedish foreign ministry also took an interest in the Swedish lectureships in Germany for propaganda purposes. The dissertation shows how a system for the appointment of Swedish lecturers to Germany was established through interaction between the actors. Central in this process were the control over economic assets, a social network which made recommendations of lecturers possible, and the control over communication between both the lecturers and universites and between the German and Swedish states. The study also shows that the uneven distribution of assets between German and Swedish actors resulted in an inferior position for the German state and organizations in relationship to their Swedish counterparts.

The topic of the thesis is an evolution of the Free city of Danzig in 1930's and the role it played in German and Polish politics during the aforemetioned period consecutively to the evolution of the situation in the city of Danzig in 1920's. The particular elementary processes of the Free city of Danzig's nazification are described here as well as key moments that fundamentally affected the city's standing within the local as well as international political environment. The thesis also focuses on the analysis of the Polish and German foreign policy's influence over the power ballance between relevant actors and to which extent the situation in Danzig contributed to the increase of tensions between Poland and Germany, which in the end led to the beginning of the WWII. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The Thesis analyses political thought of the contemporary czech national socialism and the methods the subjects considered to be part of this movement use to address cizizens. Among these subjects are the Worker's Party (of Social Justice), National Defiance and Autonomous nationalists. In the first chapter, the Thesis clarifies the specific background of the czech national socialism focusing on facts, figures and the latest development. Second and crucial chapter characterizes political thought of the czech national socialism. The last part of the Thesis focuses on the topics the before mentioned subjects use to address wide public, on their image, their rhetoric and the means of propaganda they turn to.

Cette thèse compare le traitement judiciaire de l’homosexualité masculine sous le national-socialisme dans un territoire du « vieux Reich » (Bade) et un territoire annexé de facto (Alsace), en examinant le rôle des acteurs du système judiciaire au sens large (législateurs, population, policiers, experts médico-légaux, procureurs, juges) et les réactions des inculpés. Cette étude de cas, qui porte sur les pratiques comme sur les discours et les représentations de chacun, est replacée dans ses contextes nationaux (Allemagne, France) et dans le temps long pour mettre en valeur les spécificités régionales et les ruptures temporelles. Elle démontre qu’en dépit de la radicalisation législative et de l’explosion des condamnations, l’application judiciaire du programme répressif national-socialiste a été en partie entravée par le relatif manque d’engagement de certains acteurs répressifs, ce qui a laissé des « espaces de liberté » homosexuels, et qu’elle a été variable selon les territoires. Ces variations dépendent toutefois plus des acteurs et de leur engagement répressif que des traditions répressives régionales ou des contextes politico-administratifs. / This thesis compares the judicial treatment of masculine homosexuality in national-socialist times in a territory of the “old” Reich (Baden) and in a territory annexed de facto (Alsace). The focus is set on the role of the different actors of the repression (law-makers, population, medical experts, policemen, persecutors, judges) and the reactions of the suspects. This case-study looks at the practice as well as the discourse and representation of each group over the long-term by taking into account the national contexts (France, Germany) to highlight the regional particularities and the moments of change. The thesis shows that despite the repressive turn of the legislation and the increasing number of condemnations, the repression could in practice be slowed down by the lack of engagement of certain parties, differing between territories. This attitude led to the creation of ‘homosexual spaces of freedom’. The degree of repression was highly dependent on the people involved and their willingness to follow a repressive line of action; the legislative and judicial traditions of each region and the political and administrative contexts had thus a limited impact.

No description available.

Zugl.: Diss.

Thesis (doctoral)--Freie Universität, Berlin, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (511-537) and index.