Med slutten av den kalde krigen opphørte delingen av Europa og spenningen mellom to maktblokker. Dette medførte at norsk sikkerhetspolitisk tenkning ble utfordret. Oppgaven undersøker Russlands plass i det norske trusselbildet gjennom 1990-tallet. Analysen er rettet mot henholdsvis Forsvarsdepartementets og Utenriksdepartementets responser på de relativt dramatiske endringer i de sikkerhetspolitiske omgivelser. En sentral del i oppgaven har vært å beskrive utviklingen av sikkerhetsbegrepet, samt NATO og for de militære styrker i Nordvest-Russland. Dette for å vise om det eksisterte et grunnlag for å endre tilnærmingen til Russland eller opprettholde kontinuiteten fra den kalde krigen. Jeg har funnet betydelige forskjeller i departementenes respons. Dette omfatter både grad og form på responsen. Forsvarsdepartementets respons karakteriseres i stort av kontinuitet fra den kalde krigen med tradisjonell øst-vest tenkning, mens UD i sterkere grad viser endring og en tenkning basert på sentrum-periferi. / The end of the Cold War increased the political stability in Europe and reduced the risk of a future war between NATO and its former enemy; the Warsaw Pact. Instead NATO in its strategic concept of 1991 introduced a broad concept of security encompassing political, economic, social and environmental aspects along with the military dimension. NATO no longer faced the former threat of a massive attack from the East. This new thinking challenged the Norwegian approach to security that had been characterised by national consensus during the Cold War.The aim of this paper is to examine to what extent Norwegian authorities have changed their view upon and relations towards Russia during the 1990s. Has the Norwegian approach been changed or is it still characterised by the Cold War. The paper has been concentrated on examining the responses of the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.  The theory used is focusing on change and stability in foreign policy. The theory discusses a variety of factors that may have an impact on whether a specific foreign policy is likely to endure or to change. It stresses the importance of the impact of stabilisers, tending to inhibit change in foreign policy even when there is a pressure for change.The method used is a descriptive analysis with a comparative view. I have examined official parliamentary bills from the Ministries and official speeches. This to find out if their responses is characterised by change or continuation of Cold War policies. As a major part I described the development of a wider security concept, the development in NATO as for the military forces in the Northwestern part of Russia.Conclusions show to an extensive point that there are differences in the Ministries responses. This includes both the degree and the extent of the response. The Ministry of Defence is more dominated by the traditional thinking - Russia could still be a potential threat to Norwegian security. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs response is corresponding more to major NATO members' responses. The Russian threat is not the military one, but an environmental. The solution to future challenges is in their point of view co-operation. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

ABSTRACT EVOLUTION OF EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENSE DIMENSION AND ITS PROSPECTS Mengi, Sezen MS., Department of European Studies Supervisor: Associate Professor Dr. Sevilay Kahraman March 2007, 146 pages. This study has focused on analyzing the evolution of ESDP and developments that took place to this date concerning the European Security and Defense Dimension. Since the end of World War II and beginning of Cold War, the security and defense issue of Europe will be explored in this thesis. Later the developments that took place after the diminishment of Warsaw Pact and end of Cold War will be traced. Also the changing relationship between the US and EU with the changing global international environment will be explored in this thesis.

The September 11 terrorist attacks brought a discourse on the transatlantic rift to the agenda of international community. In fact, at the end of the CW, the emergence of the US as the leading hegemonic power gave way to transatlantic divergences concerning security perceptions and strategies of the post-CW era. Also, NATO has been challenged with these drastic changes in the international system. Yet, owing to the initiatives taken for the transformation of the Atlantic alliance during the 1990s, NATO maintained its relevance for the new world order. However, the divergences of the US and Europeans on their strategies to deal with the post-September 11 security threats led to another discussions about the future of NATO. Indeed, as the US&rsquo / post-September 11 unilateral policies deepened the transatlantic rift already underway since the end of the CW, on the way to Iraq war, NATO turned out to be the place where the divisions between the allies were reflected the most. Hence, the US&rsquo / preferences for ad hoc coalitions of the willing understanding damaged the longduring multilateral alliance by leading to a secondary role for NATO during the US&rsquo / Afghanistan and Iraq campaigns. That is why, time is needed to see whether the old allies facing new threats can reconcile their differences in the name of a renewed transatlantic security cooperation through the initiatives taken within NATO?

This thesis aims to discuss NATO&rsquo / s Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in Central Asia in terms of its role in promoting regional security. It focuses on the evolution of the cooperation between NATO and its Central Asian partners within the framework of the NATO&rsquo / s PfP program, as well as the Alliance&rsquo / s vision of security in Central Asia. The thesis argues that although NATO is active in Central Asia with its PfP programs, its engagement with the Central Asian states is mainly motivated by its own global security priorities rather than promoting regional security cooperation in Central Asia. This thesis comprises four main chapters. After the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines regional security challenges in post-Soviet Central Asia. The third chapter discusses the fundamental characteristics of NATO&rsquo / s PfP program and regional security in Central Asia. The fourth chapter examines NATO&rsquo / s PfP programs in individual Central Asian states by examining the priorities of each state in cooperating with the Alliance. The fifth chapter analyses the relevance of NATO&rsquo / s PfP programs for increasing its involvement in Central Asia since 2001 by taking its global and regional security priorities. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of this thesis.

This thesis examines the impact of Poland&rsquo / s NATO and EU memberships on Polish foreign policy towards Russia by taking the historical background of Poland&rsquo / s relations with Russia into account. The main objective of the thesis is to examine the change in Polish foreign policy towards Russia in the aftermath of its memberships in NATO and the EU in 1999 and 2004 respectively. The thesis argues that Poland has changed its accommodative approach towards Russia and started to pursue a more assertive foreign policy after its NATO and the EU memberships due to its decreasing dependency on this country. In this thesis, the concept of interdependence is employed to explain Polish foreign policy on Russia. The thesis has six chapters, including Introduction and Conclusion chapters. The second chapter explores the historical background of Polish-Russian relations. The third chapter analyzes the main characteristics of Polish foreign policy in the post-Cold War era. The fourth chapter examines the impact of Poland&rsquo / s NATO membership on Polish foreign policy towards Russia. The fifth chapter discusses the impact of Poland&rsquo / s EU membership on its foreign policy towards Russia.

This thesis analyzes the factors and conduct of the transformation of NATO and its likely effects on the globe. The implications of politics of the US, the EU on global security as well as enlarged threat perception will be investigated as the three main drivers of NATO transformation. The way transformation carried out will be synthesized into political and military areas. Political transformation here will be studied under three fold categorization of functional, geographical and institutional areas. The thesis will conclude with future tendencies of and within NATO.

The thesis seeks to chart the foundation and transformation of NATO-Russia relations from Yeltsin to Putin and Medvedev. It attempts to potray the continuity and change in the Russian Foreign Policy towards NATO in the light of the main international developments such as the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Bosnian war and the Kosovo conflict / as well as the internal transformation of the Alliance marked by the extension of the traditional NATO roles and the expansion policy. The thesis tries to depict the new initiatives in the Russian Foreign policy aimed at undermining NATO and US&rsquo / roles in Europe by attempting to establish an alternative European architecture to a NATO-centric one. It is argued that while Yeltsin promoted multilateralism based on the world led by the USA and the Russian Federation on a par, Putin and Medvedev&rsquo / s multilateralism was to undermine the American world hegemony and consolidate relations with Europe.

The thesis aims to chart the relations of the EU and NATO through the case of Afghanistan. It examines the role of ISAF in conjunction with PRTs and EUPOL to evaluate the relations between the EU and NATO. The involvement of the ISAF and EUPOL missions from their establishment to evolution and the limitations of both missions in accordance with the management of the US in the &ldquo / War on Terror&rdquo / are examined. The implications of American policies on the missions of both parties are explored, from the first term of Bush to the Obama administration. The thesis argues that while there has been cooperation between the EU and NATO without structural cooperation, thus being ad hoc cooperation, the US has been benefiting from this cooperation from the second term of the Bush administration to the Obama administration, thereby rehabilitating the tense relations between the EU and the US. In the final analysis, it may be said that this cooperation did not result in a success story in the case of Afghanistan.

Humanitarian intervention is a concept that generates several problems in our time. The idea of humanitarian intervention concerns the modern norms of sovereignty and noninterventional principals. It also concerns the conventional norm, which declares that states are not allowed to interfere in other states’ internal affairs. The use of military force to implement humanitarian intervention is restricted according to international law. This is what this thesis intends to investigate. The purpose was to find out the causes behind the intervention in Libya, which was carried out by NATO. The main questions were (1) to find out if the intervention in Libya was a humanitarian intervention (2) or if there were other motives that were behind the intervention. Two classical international relations theories have been utilized for the analysis. The analysis focused on the five UN Security Council members’ statements and arguments, which have been expressed in the UN Security Council. This issue created a gap between the members of the Security Council, especially between the Western states and the Russian and Chinese authorities

During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained. The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar. France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler. The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote. The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.