This study explores the usage of the memory of the bombings of Belgrade from WWII in the time period of Yugoslavia from 1995 until 2003. Considering that Belgrade was bombed by two opposing forces during WWII, once by Nazis in 1941, and the second time by the Allies in 1944, and due to the fact that the exploitation of memory of the two bombings was rather unequal during the Socialist Yugoslavia with the latter bombings being a taboo theme, I was interested in answering following questions: how the two memories were used in the times before, during and after the NATO Air Strikes of Yugoslavia, if the memory of the Allied bombings emerged in the public sphere and how it coexists with the one of the Nazi bombings. My primary sources are articles from "Politika" newspaper issues from commemoration dates during the research time frame from 1995 until 2003. The final conclusion shows the dominant usage of the memory of the Nazi bombings throughout the whole time frame even though we could witness the emergence of the memory of the Allied bombings.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Since 1998, the European Union (EU) has begun to develop a Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), which provides a stronger role in the security and defense areas in order to become a more important actor in these fields. Since that time, the member states of the European Union have been pursuing capabilities to conduct conflict prevention and crisis management operations, with no intention of overcoming NATO's role and capabilities in the field of collective defense, but with the intention of strengthening the Union's role and influence in international politics. This thesis demonstrates that a common European Security and Defense Policy is vital for the future of the European Union. The need for a common policy is more urgent than ever because only in this manner can the European Union be strong and significant. This thesis identifies and analyzes the origins of this concept, shows how the current situation has increased that demand and explains the reasons for the establishment of ESDP. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of these ideas and policy recommendations for a member state, for Greece and for the European Union itself. / Major, Hellenic Air Force

Thesis advisor: Jennifer Erickson / This thesis examines institutional enlargement for both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). Both organizations added new members to their ranks during the Cold War and in the post-Cold War era. During the Cold War, NATO and the European Community (EC) had informal membership criteria, but once the Cold War ended, the two institutions implemented explicit membership requirements. The research question centers on whether both institutions admitted new members that did not satisfy some of the membership criteria. I find that the two organizations both admitted new states that only partially complied with the criteria. In this thesis, I analyze why NATO and the EU added new member states even when these states' membership applications were incomplete. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: Political Science.

NATO is keen to improve technical interoperability between participating nations. However, according to certain scholars, technical interoperability has been overestimated within the field and other important factors related to organisational interoperability are neglected. The aim of this study is to examine the transformation of Sweden’s organisational interoperability within NATO the last decades. This will demonstrate how Sweden’s organisational interoperability has changed through a period of increased technical complications within military alliances. This dual case study compares Sweden’s contribution in Kosovo and Afghanistan by applying theorganisational interoperability agility model (OIAM). The Swedish Armed Forces have augmented their preparations prior to collaborations which improve their skill to adapt to certain nations. They have also improved their ability to adapt to other leadership styles and structures. However, issues associated with system compatibility have increased and seem to affect military leadership coordination. Sweden’s ability to adapt to other nations cultural differences are restricted between both cases. Technical differences seem to affect military leadership more than combat units whereas cultural differences have a greater impact on soldiers compared with officers.

This study explores the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation and the European Union in cyberspace. The two organisations have differing approaches to combat threats from cyberspace but are continuously deepening their cooperative efforts. The former is arguably militarising the domain and is less inclined to share information with outside parties, while the latter is more willing in this respect but is struggling to balance a free and open Internet with a secure one. NATO’s focus on cyber defence and the EU’s focus on cyber security is connected to the organisations’ different identities as security actors. The difference is identifiable in the Joint Declaration on EU-NATO Cooperation established in 2016. While cyber defence and cyber security are notable in texts, it is yet to be determined how the respective organisations’ differing focus impacts their cooperation in cyberspace. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the continuation of the Joint-Declaration given NATO and the EU’s different frameworks to combat cyberthreats. The study will use Michel Foucault’s Security Dispositive theory by looking at normalising discourses within the organisations’ respective agendas influenced by various cyberattacks in the 21st century. NATO focuses on developing offensive as well as defensive cyber capabilities while the EU primarily presents a more passive strategy. Considering the Alliance’s ability to set demands on partner actors, results suggested that the Joint Declaration is able to continue if the EU falls in line with the precedent set by NATO as the organisation continues to expand its militarising discourse of cyberspace.

This dissertation examines the role of military officers as policy implementers by investigating the discretion of Swedish force commanders in the multinational military campaign in Afghanistan between 2006 and 2013. By developing an analytical framework that takes both an outside-in and an inside-out perspective, and that encompasses both the objective implications that structural factors project on force commanders as well as their subjective perceptions of those structural factors, and applying that framework to a range of official documents as well as unique interview data, the thesis describes the discretion that force commanders have had in interpreting, choosing and shaping their mission and concept of operations. The findings show that Swedish force commanders in the Afghanistan campaign have had considerable discretion in interpreting and framing the principal’s overarching mission, the mission of their own force, as well as their force’s concept of operations. Their discretion can be understood as a combination of structurally induced freedom to make choices, the force commanders’ perceptions of that freedom and their inclination to use it. Circumstances regarding structural factors such as duality of command, passive authority of superiors, non-specific tasks and ambiguous implications of allocated resources has created this discretion and rendered force commanders disproportionately influential in the policy implementation process. Although this influence can be regarded as a manifestation of modern management ideals such as Auftragstaktik and mission command in the military, or management by objectives in government and business, it can also be regarded as a downwards passing of the buck where strategic implementation decisions trickle down to the level of force commanders in the field, making them “strategic colonels”.

Tese de mestrado integrado. Engenharia Informática e Computação. Faculdade de Engenharia. Universidade do Porto. 2012

<p>During the Cold War era, the edifice of the world configuration was built on a bipolar structure. The security of west European countries was not only important in the eyes of the Europeans but also in the American ones. But the end of this era in 1989-91 also put an end to this world structure and brought it into a unipolar one. The US became the world hegemon and Europe started to fear that US security priority would not remain Europe in the awakening of this structure. Therefore, some improvements occurred in terms of EU cooperation security in the framework of the conflict in Kuwait, but the main change happened because of the conflict in Ex-Yugoslavia. Especially Great Britain and France became aware of the need to develop an EU military capability in order to handle autonomous peace-keeping operations, outside of the NATO framework. The EU understood that any action developed by NATO was reliant on the US and without the support of the US the possibility to operate was restrained.</p><p>The move towards a more autonomous European security from the cooperation within NATO created a fear of loss of American influence over European politics. However, when the EU stated that NATO would remain the primary organisation to handle European security matters and that the CFSP would only reinforce the European pillar of NATO, the US appeared to support the cementation of this pillar.</p><p>France, Germany and Great Britain are contributing actively to the development of this pillar and they have all their reasons to support it. Germany is self-committed to the European integration process and cooperation in order, on one hand, to inhibit the raise of nationalism into Germany and on the other hand, to use it as a mean to play a major role in the international arena. France is a medium size power trying to keep its voice in the world arena. Its presence in the EU is marked by its strong link with Germany to enhance its role internationally. France uses the EU in order to promote its national interests. Great Britain maintains special relations vis-à-vis of the US and has not the desire to commit to any European cooperation that could hurt or threaten this link. But Great Britain changed its attitude towards its foreign and security policy due to its new interpretation of the structure during the Ex-Yugoslavian conflict. Therefore, its policy shifted in the need to develop a closer EU cooperation within the security, even if they stated that NATO still remains the primary organisation to handle European Security. This change is also strategic because Great Britain is motivated to become a EU leader instead of a spoiler.</p><p>The EU has to face a number of issues in different areas before it will be able to implement an efficient CFSP. First of all, the military capability gap that has widened the dependence on NATO military assets. Secondly, the difficult decision making process that has to deal with the domestic demands of all MS generated by a reluctance in ceding sovereignty of security matters to a qualified majority vote.</p><p>The development of the CFSP has electrified the transatlantic relations creating tensions but nothing that will damage the transatlantic link between the EU and the US. The CFSP will become complementary of NATO and not a competitor at all. The military capabilities and the domestic demands of all EU MS will guarantee this statement. The US will remain an unenthusiastic global actor in a unipolar world, pushing the international agenda in favour of a unilateral approach.</p>

<p>The study analyzes Russian foreign policy discourse on NATO during and after the Georgian war as constructed in on-line news articles from the state-run RIA Novosti news agency. The thesis adopts constructivist and discourse analytical approach. Namely, it is based on the interplay between the three main theoretical pillars: language as constitutive part of social reality; media as a type of discourse; and the constructivist understanding of the foreign policy discourse as being embedded in the domestic social and cultural dimensions.  <em></em></p><p>The research has shown that the discourse on NATO constructed in the news articles of Ria Novosti to a great extent reflected the official Russian government’s discourse.  The overall unfavorable representation of the organization was evident throughout the analyzed material. This ‘negative-other representation’ served to establish political frontiers between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’ of the discourse. In the context of the Georgian war, the questions of the future power balance as well as effective transatlantic security mechanism gained particular prominence. The geopolitics of the regional security was represented as bipolar, comprising NATO (or ‘the West’ in its broad sense) on the one hand and Russia as the legitimate leader in most of the post-Soviet space, on the other. Such representation tended to possess distinctive features of the Cold War discourse.</p><p> </p>

This thesis seeks to depict the German stance towards European security in the post-Cold War era. It attempts to portray the continuity and change in Germany&rsquo / s policies towards the maintenance of European security first, by specifying the differences between the Cold War and the post-Cold War era, and second, within the years after the reunification of the two German states. This is examined in the light of the main developments in the international level, the European Union (EU) level and the German domestic level. These include on the international level the War in Kosovo, the Afghanistan intervention and the Iraq War / on the European Union level the EU treaties up until the Treaty of Lisbon and the developments on the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) / and lastly on the German domestic level the 1994 and 2006 Wei&szlig / buch (White Paper), which are official documents published by the German Ministry of Defence. This thesis indicates the change in Germany&rsquo / s European security perception after the reunification towards a new and different sort of assertiveness. It is argued that this assertiveness invigorates within a European Germany.