This thesis describes the situation of French media during World War II and after its end. It compares the degree of collaboration in the territory occupied by Nazi Germany and in the area administered by Vichy government with Marshall Pétain as its head. The work notes that the Vichy government gradually becomes pro-German. It also emphasis on the Resistance movement as the new French media arises just of Resistance press. After the Liberation extensive trials with collaborators were carried out. This work is focused on the purge held in media especially. It explains the re-creation of new French press on Resistance press basis, politically mostly left-winged. The field is evenly professionalized - schools arise, the technical equipment is improved, women have been entering the editorial departments. But the shaky political situation, including the threat of the Cold War, results in a crisis of the political press. Journalists react by putting emphasis on truth and facts, and create, within co called new left tendency, platform for emerging democracy. The press of entertainment (sports and women's magazines, e.g.) is also developed as reaction to politics. Radio broadcast and telecast are slowly growing after the Liberation. However military conflicts in colonial areas (Indochina, Algeria, etc.)...

The theme and primary purpose of this thesis is illustration everyday life in the concentration camp Buchenwald. Buchenwald was a concentration camp where the Nazis imprisoned a lagre number of citizens of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The thesis will primary consist of three categories. First of all it is the issue of "the space", in which will be incorporated a brief outline of the development of concentration camps in Germany before the war, the function of administrative, technical and military buildings of SS units. Another theme of the thesis points to the physical labor of prisoners, which was daily content during their stay in a concentration camp. The purpose of their work should lead to rapid death with the lowest cost of their meals. In favor of or against the prisoners decided ideological-political, and economic aspects of the later mode. The concept of work in the Nazi concentration camps in successive years significantly changed, which were causing the preparations for war and the later development of the war conflict itself. The third theme contents the social relations and cultural life of the prisoners, which refer to the human adaptability in these inhuman conditions. In an effort to describe social days coexistence in this concentration camp is put emphasis on the...

Ce travail part d'une interrogation : comment expliquer ce qu'est un camp de concentration nazi sans prendre en compte un de ces constituants, la pierre. Sans oublier pour cela l'Homme, la présente recherche s'est attachée à définir le camp de concentration comme espace architectural à travers l'étude de six camps : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I et le camp de Natzweiler. Trois axes d'analyses furent choisis : le lieu, les formes et les matériaux employés dans le but de mettre en lumière une éventuelle continuité architecturale. A partir du constat qu'il existait bien une architecture véritable, l'auteur s'est demandé dans une dernière partie si des liens avec l'idéologie national-socialiste étaient possibles, comme cela est le cas avec l'architecture officielle du Troisième Reich. C'est ainsi qu'à partir des données collectées furent adjointes trois spécificités à l'architecture concentrationnaire : le camp de concentration nazi peut être perçu comme une cité idéale national-socialiste, une mise en place architectonique du Führerprinzip et le reflet de la Blut-und- Boden Doktrin. / This work is based on a questioning : how to explain what a nazi concentration camp is without taking into account one of its components, i.e. stone. Without overlooking the human dimension for all that, the following research aims at giving a definition of the concentration camp as an architectural space through the analysis of 6 camps : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I and the Natzweiler concentration camp. Three main lines were chosen : the sites, the shapes and building materials, with a view to bringing into light a possible architectural continuity. Once the existence of an architectural structure was established, the author finally wondered whether links with the national-socialist ideology did exist as it is the case with the official architecture of the Third Reich. Thus, thanks to the collected data, three specificities of concentration camps architecture were added : the nazi concentration camp can be seen as a national-socialist perfect city, as the architectonical setting up of the Führerprinzip and as the reflection of the Blood and Soil ideology. / Die folgende Arbeit erwächst aus einer Fragestellung : Wie lässt sich ein Konzentrationslager erklären, ohne eines seiner Bestandteile - den Stein - in Betracht zu ziehen ? Ohne den Menschen außer Betracht zu lassen, hat sich die vorliegende Studie bemüht, ein Konzentrationslager als einen architektonischen Raum zu definieren. Es werden sechs Konzentrationslager analysiert : Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Auschwitz I und das KZ Natzweiler. Es werden drei Blickrichtungen gewählt : der Ort, die Formen und die verwendeten Materialien, um herauszufinden, ob es etwa eine architektonische Kontinuität gibt. Ausgehend von der Feststellung, dass tatsächlich von einer bestimmten Architektur die Rede sein konnte, hat sich der Autor in einem letzten Teil gefragt, ob Beziehungen mit der NS-Ideologie möglich waren - wie es eben der Fall bei der offiziellen Architektur des Dritten Reiches ist. Auf diese Weise wurden mit den vom Verfasser gesammelten Daten den Konzentrationslagern drei Eigenschaften zugeschrieben : das NS-Konzentrationslager kann als eine ideale NS-Stadt, als die architektonische Verwirklichung des Führerprinzips und als die Wiederspiegelung der Blut-und-Boden Doktrin betrachtet werden.

This thesis is a critical discussion of political thinker Hannah Arendt’s moral thought, as developed in her works from EICHMANN IN JERUSALEM onwards. Arendt, I argue, sought to respond to the moral challenge she saw posed by the phenomenon of banal evildoing, as revealed in Nazi Germany. Banal evildoers are agents who, under circumstances in which their ordinary moral triggers and guides (conscience, moral habits and norms, the behavior of their peers, etc.) are subverted, commit evil despite having no evil intent. Such subversion of ordinary moral voices would appear to absolve these agents from moral responsibility for their acts, which led most commentators to reject claims to such subversion by Nazi collaborators. Arendt, who sees the phenomenon of banal evildoing as factually substantiated, set out to show that such agents possessed other mental capacities (namely, critical and speculative thinking, reflective judging, and free willing), more appropriate for moral decision-making, on which they could have relied even under Nazi conditions. It is for their disregard of such capacities that banal evildoers can be held morally responsible. In this thesis I critically engage with this Arendtian argument. I show how the Nazi subversion of German agents’ ordinary moral voices was achieved. I then exegetically explicate Arendt’s (unfinished) analysis of the above mental capacities and of their moral role. I then argue for the addition of the capacities of empathetic perception and practical wisdom to this understanding of moral performance. In the course of this analysis I show that in responding to this challenge, Arendt develops a powerful argument regarding the moral dangers of overreliance on mental shortcuts in decision-making, a strong argument regarding the interconnectedness between morality and humanness, and implicitly, a novel conception of selfhood that sees otherness as interrelated and interconnected with selfhood, such that concern for others is part of what constitutes, and therefore is inscribed into, care for the self. I end by critically assessing the applicability of Arendt’s moral analysis to more ordinary decisional circumstances than those of Nazi Germany, and the insight this analysis points to regarding the relationship between moral and political decision-making.

This thesis is a critical discussion of political thinker Hannah Arendt’s moral thought, as developed in her works from EICHMANN IN JERUSALEM onwards. Arendt, I argue, sought to respond to the moral challenge she saw posed by the phenomenon of banal evildoing, as revealed in Nazi Germany. Banal evildoers are agents who, under circumstances in which their ordinary moral triggers and guides (conscience, moral habits and norms, the behavior of their peers, etc.) are subverted, commit evil despite having no evil intent. Such subversion of ordinary moral voices would appear to absolve these agents from moral responsibility for their acts, which led most commentators to reject claims to such subversion by Nazi collaborators. Arendt, who sees the phenomenon of banal evildoing as factually substantiated, set out to show that such agents possessed other mental capacities (namely, critical and speculative thinking, reflective judging, and free willing), more appropriate for moral decision-making, on which they could have relied even under Nazi conditions. It is for their disregard of such capacities that banal evildoers can be held morally responsible. In this thesis I critically engage with this Arendtian argument. I show how the Nazi subversion of German agents’ ordinary moral voices was achieved. I then exegetically explicate Arendt’s (unfinished) analysis of the above mental capacities and of their moral role. I then argue for the addition of the capacities of empathetic perception and practical wisdom to this understanding of moral performance. In the course of this analysis I show that in responding to this challenge, Arendt develops a powerful argument regarding the moral dangers of overreliance on mental shortcuts in decision-making, a strong argument regarding the interconnectedness between morality and humanness, and implicitly, a novel conception of selfhood that sees otherness as interrelated and interconnected with selfhood, such that concern for others is part of what constitutes, and therefore is inscribed into, care for the self. I end by critically assessing the applicability of Arendt’s moral analysis to more ordinary decisional circumstances than those of Nazi Germany, and the insight this analysis points to regarding the relationship between moral and political decision-making.

Texte remanié de : Dissertation : ? : Tübingen, Universität : 1998. / Bibliogr. p. [505]-541. Index.

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This master's thesis The picture of concentration camps in Czech prose of the 50's analyses selected literary works from 1950᾿s. These works are presented by different author's approaches from presented reality. First part of this work focuses on concept of "Holocaust" and on possibility of its verb representation as well. Another part of thesis deals with development of "literature with topic of Holocaust" from 1945 to contemporary times. The emphasis is placed to the texts from 1950᾿s and 1960᾿s that had formed reader's memory. Next chapter observe a permeation and reciprocal influencing of historical and fictional discourse. The picture of life in Nazi concentration camps, the author's character creation as well as representation of Jewishness are analyzed in these works: A Box of Lives by Norbert Frýd, Osm odtamtud by E. F. Burian, and Diamonds of the Night by Arnošt Lustig. Key words: the Holocaust, Nazi concentration camps, 1950's, prose, Norbert Frýd, E. F. Burian, Arnošt Lustig, historical discourse, fictional discourse, characters, motive, environment

En mai 1940, la population ardennaise fuit devant l’arrivée des troupes allemandes. Les ressources économiques et agricoles du département, qui faisaient pourtant l’objet de plans d’évacuation préparés dès les années 1930, sont abandonnées à l’occupant. Quelques semaines plus tard, une vaste zone du nord-est de la France, dont les Ardennes font partie, est déclarée « zone interdite ». Les terres cultivables sont confisquées à leurs propriétaires et prises en charge au profit du Reich par une entreprise appelée Ostland, qui a déjà orchestré un semblable mouvement de spoliation en Pologne depuis son invasion. L’une de ses filiales régionales, la WOL III, met en place dans les Ardennes un vaste projet d’implantation des méthodes agricoles nationales-socialistes qui nécessite une abondante main-d’œuvre. Des agriculteurs allemands, appelés « chefs de culture » sont diligentés sur place et gèrent de grandes exploitations dans lesquelles travaillent plusieurs milliers de prisonniers français et coloniaux ainsi que 5 000 agriculteurs ardennais contraints à se mettre à leur service. Des ouvriers juifs sont également recrutés et des milliers de Polonais, expulsés de leurs villages, sont déportés pour travailler dans ces fermes qui exercent une agriculture intensive. Cette situation engendre des tensions sociales qui s’expriment particulièrement lors de la Libération et lors de procès d’épuration qui visent certains employés de l’Ostland. Les autorités françaises tentent de gérer au mieux la liquidation de l’entreprise allemande et l’organisation du rapatriement des Polonais dans leur pays, deux opérations difficiles qui nécessitent de longs mois. La reconnaissance des victimes de l’Ostland est inégale et tardive puisqu’elle n’intervient qu’à partir des années 1990. Des mémoires distinctes et spécifiques aux différents groupes de travailleurs émergent aussi à cette époque et s’expriment lors de commémorations. / In May 1940, the population of the Ardennes fled from the arrival of the German troops. The economic and agricultural ressources of the department, which yet had been subject to evacuation plans since the thirties, were given up to the occupying forces. A few weeks later, a large area of the North-East of France including the Ardennes was declared « forbidden zone ». The cultivable land was confiscated from its owners and taken over for the benefit of the Reich by a company named Ostland, which had already orchestrated a similar spoliation movement in Poland since its invasion. One of its local subsidiaries, WOL III , set up in the Ardennes a vast project to implement the National Socialist agricultural methods which required an abundant workforce. Some German farmers, called crop managers, were sent out there to run large farms on which several thousands of French and colonial prisoners as well as 5000 Ardennes farmers were working under duress. Jewish labourers were also recruited and thousands of Poles, expelled from their villages, were deported to work on these farms with intensive agriculture. This situation caused social tensions that were particuliarly evident during the Liberation and during the « purification » trials involving some WOL employees. French authorities tried to manage the liquidation of the German company and the organisation of the repatriation of the Poles, two difficult operations that took many months to complete. Recognition of Ostland victims was uneven and late since it occurred only from the 1990s onwards. Distinct memories specific to the different groups of workers also emerged at that time and were expressed during commemorations.

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