<p> The conflict between native people and resource development in the Canadian north is considered within the framework of a colonial model of development. It is hypothesized that the origins of contemporary land use conflicts in the north can be attributed to the colonization of native people, and that the growing discontent among native people can be viewed as a response to the perpetuation of their colonial status. </p> <p> Two phases in the historical relationship between native people and the Canadian government, traditional colonialism and nee-colonialism, are defined and the impacts of these forms of colonialism upon native people, and their role in the future development of the north, are examinedo Alternative native responses to colonial status are identified and each option is discussed in terms of its likelihood as a choice and the effects of that choice upon the native community. Government control over native people is identified as a major constraint on response choice. Various means of government control and their effectiveness are considered. </p> <p> Two alternatives are presented for the future control of political space in northern Canada: continuation of colonial domination or increasing control by natives. It is concluded, on the basis of recent experiences in native communities, that increasing control by natives is the only means through which the political and socio-economic status of native people will be improved. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

近年中國大陸在全球各地簽訂原油供應與相關原油探勘、開採合約，引起部分西方國家對此不滿，中國大陸能源外交的本質、目的、型態與手段亦成為學政界辯論的焦點，歐洲國家更將其對非洲的能源外交批評為新殖民主義，但中國大陸學者則認為僅止於重商主義。本文的研究目的在於檢視中國大陸外交政策屬於古典或新現實主義、能源是否為中國大陸對非洲外交政策的重心，與其對非洲能源外交的型態究竟是重商主義或新殖民主義；並回顧現實主義、國際政治經濟學、新殖民主義等相關理論，建構不同指標以檢驗本文的研究假設。 本文的研究成果可歸納為四個面向：其一，中國大陸對非洲政策為相當典型的新現實主義風格，追求優於非洲地主國的相對利得、政策佈局亦受國際體系權力結構制約；其次，能源為目前中國大陸對非洲政策的重心，中國大陸企業對非洲的投資亦以能源為主要考量；第三，包括中海油、中石油與中石化在內等三家中國大陸石油企業在非洲的投資以原油的探勘、開採權為主，符合其國內能源安全政策辯論的結果；第四，中國大陸在非洲的能源投資實無助於非洲國家的經濟發展，但亦無延滯非洲國家經濟發展，藉此擴張中國大陸在非洲的政經影響力的目的在內。 / In recent years, Mainland China has tried to sign oil supply and related exploration and exploitation contracts around the world, which has caused some western countries dissatisfaction. The essence, purpose, and means of Mainland China’s energy diplomacy have become the focus of debate in the academic and political circles. Some European countries even judged that Mainland China’s energy diplomacy toward Africa is a kind of neo-colonialism, but scholars from Mainland China consider it as mercantilism. The purposes of this thesis are to examine three assumptions: whether Mainland China’s foreign policy belongs to classical realism or neo realism; whether energy is the core of Mainland China’s foreign policy toward Africa; and whether the type of energy diplomacy toward Africa is neo- colonialism or mercantilism. The related theories including realism, international political economy and Neo-colonialism will also be reviewed of this thesis in order to establish four dimensions and twelve indictors to examine my assumptions. The conclusions of this thesis could be summarized into four dimensions: Firstly, Mainland China’s Africa policy is the typical neo-realism, seeking the better relative gain than African countries, and its policy arrangement is restricted by the power structure of the international system. Secondly, energy, especially oil, is the core concern of the Mainland China’s African policy. The investments of Mainland China’s enterprises in Africa also take energy as the main consideration. Thirdly, investments derived from three oil enterprises including China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) and China Petroleum & Chemical Corporation (SINOPEC) focus on the right of oil exploration and exploitation, which conforms to the result of its domestic debates about energy security. Finally, Mainland China’s investments toward Africa can not help the economic development in Africa, but will not slow down the Africa’s economic development nor extend its ability to influence Africa.

Cette étude porte sur la représentation politique des minorités visibles en France. Près de 10% au sein de la société française, moins de 2% au sein de la sphère politique, les Français de la diversité sont sous-représentés, aussi bien au Gouvernement qu’au Parlement. Adoptant une double perspective structurelle et culturelle, nous essayons de suggérer plusieurs pistes de recherches qui expliqueraient la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles en nous concentrons sur les trois étapes du processus électoral, soit le recrutement, la sélection et l’élection. Le dessein de cette étude est double. D’une part, il s’agit de mettre en lumière les principaux obstacles qui semblent affecter la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles, sans pour autant prétendre à l’établissement de liens de causalité directs entre les obstacles évoqués et la sous-représentation des minorités visibles dans la sphère politique françaises. D’autre part, il s’agit de déblayer un terrain d’étude encore trop peu appréhendé en France afin de permettre une opérationnalisation et une évaluation des hypothèses articulées dans d’éventuelles études futures. / This research investigates the political representation of ethnic minorities in France. Nearly 10% of the French population is from an ethnic minority, however, only 2% of the politicians are from an ethnic minority. Thus, ethnic minorities are underrepresented in both Parliament and Government. From a twofold structural and cultural perspective, this study focuses on the three steps of the electoral process — recruitment, selection, and election — to suggest several research paths to explain the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. The purpose of this study is twofold. First, we try to identify the main barriers that hinder ethnic minorities’ political advancement, without claiming a causal effect between these barriers and the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. Second, we try to propose several hypotheses that can be operationalized and evaluated in potential future researches.

Text in English / The study unravels moral perversion in selected post-independence detective Shona novels. Moral perversion is a multi-faceted concept and the study focuses on corruption, sexual harassment, abuse of office, stealing, poaching and illegal manufacturing of intoxicating products as the key definers of moral perversion. Afrocentricity merged with Kawaida philosophy are the lenses used to pass critical judgements on the extent the selected literary practitioners portrayed literature rooted in the African ontological existence on moral perversion. Fictional works used as primary sources are Sajeni Chimedza (1984), Mutikitivha Dumbuzenene (1991), Munzwa mundove (1999) and Dandemutande, (1998). All the novels are set in the post-independence era in Zimbabwe when moral perversion is rife. The study is qualitative in nature and data was gathered using questionnaires and interviews from literary critics, publishers and novelists. Particular attention is paid on the causes of moral perversion, images of people in leadership positions and the implications of character assassination of leaders in relation to the development of purposeful literature. The study contends that moral insanity is an acknowledged problem in the post-independence era and novelists are portraying leaders as the chief culprits manning factionalism and unorthodox ways of acquiring resources at the expense of the majority of citizenry. Guided and informed by Afrocentricity, the study argues that novelists are raising pertinent issues although their views are myopic, simplistic and self-defeating because they are failing to see that the leaders are also victims who are victimizing other victims. Blaming the leadership on moral perversion ignoring the impact of colonialism, and neo-colonialism in shaping African personality creates more harm than good as this exonerates the imperialistic system of exploitation which impinges on African culture and personality. Therefore, the study argues that novelists erroneously blame individuals for the sins of a system. There is need to interrogate both external and internal factors to establish sustainable home-grown problem solving solutions to improve human condition and the development of functional literature in Africa. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

¡@With the change of economic globalization, the national security is no longer just the traditional nation defense or military security. Economic, political, diplomatic, technological, cultural, environmental and other fields related to national development are gradually considered into the scope of national security. Among, Economic security is the core of national security now. The protection of economic security concern about nation development, such as nation defense, diplomacy, and the standard of people¡¦s living. Not only every department in nation is interdependent with each other, but also any economy can't live alone. Economic development has closely relationship with the use of energy. No matter developed countries or developing countries, their reliance various energy are increasing (especially oil); however, because of the limited resource endowment, the energy competition is one of leading to the tense international relations. ¡@The distribution of oil is uneven. Middle East has more than half of the crude oil reserve, and the top ten largest oil reserve countries hold the 80% of the world¡¦s total reserve. But, the most two oil consumption region, North America and Asia Pacific, only own 8.7% oil reserve. United States and China are the largest oil consumption countries, while United States oil dependency is above 60%, and almost 60% of China¡¦s oil demand need to import from other countries. In order to sustain economic development (need enough oil energy), the imbalance of demand and supply let China and other oil-consuming countries have to negotiate with the oil-producing region - Middle East, Central and South America, and Africa. Africa is one of China¡¦s oil import region. China strengthen Sino-Africa relation through leader conference, high-level visits, Forum on China - Africa Cooperation, China¡¦s oil company¡¦s energy investment in Africa, economic aid, infrastructure and other diplomatic measures. The comprehensive cooperation contributes China to get Africa's oil resources.

Cette étude porte sur la représentation politique des minorités visibles en France. Près de 10% au sein de la société française, moins de 2% au sein de la sphère politique, les Français de la diversité sont sous-représentés, aussi bien au Gouvernement qu’au Parlement. Adoptant une double perspective structurelle et culturelle, nous essayons de suggérer plusieurs pistes de recherches qui expliqueraient la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles en nous concentrons sur les trois étapes du processus électoral, soit le recrutement, la sélection et l’élection. Le dessein de cette étude est double. D’une part, il s’agit de mettre en lumière les principaux obstacles qui semblent affecter la sous-représentation politique des minorités visibles, sans pour autant prétendre à l’établissement de liens de causalité directs entre les obstacles évoqués et la sous-représentation des minorités visibles dans la sphère politique françaises. D’autre part, il s’agit de déblayer un terrain d’étude encore trop peu appréhendé en France afin de permettre une opérationnalisation et une évaluation des hypothèses articulées dans d’éventuelles études futures. / This research investigates the political representation of ethnic minorities in France. Nearly 10% of the French population is from an ethnic minority, however, only 2% of the politicians are from an ethnic minority. Thus, ethnic minorities are underrepresented in both Parliament and Government. From a twofold structural and cultural perspective, this study focuses on the three steps of the electoral process — recruitment, selection, and election — to suggest several research paths to explain the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. The purpose of this study is twofold. First, we try to identify the main barriers that hinder ethnic minorities’ political advancement, without claiming a causal effect between these barriers and the political underrepresentation of ethnic minorities. Second, we try to propose several hypotheses that can be operationalized and evaluated in potential future researches.

The study insists on understanding the miscarriage of “Pan-Africanism” and the role of “African” mentality with the help of Fanon’s psychoanalysis “Black Skin, White Mask,” exemplifying the immense colonial, slavery, and apartheid psychological damages experienced by Black individuals resulting Blacks/Africans self-hate and a desire to be “white” throughout the domain of Western culture, ideology, and language. To provide accurate analysis of the “Pan-African” failure to solve increasing blacks-hate-against-blacks/xenophobia in South Africa, concepts othering, mimicry, subaltern from the critical theory (postcolonialism) were applied. Thereupon, Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis relying on the theoretical concepts were conducted, which underlined how the mimicry process makes Africa's interaction an elite-driven one, oppressing African/subaltern citizens. The findings showed a need for "Black-Consciousness" and Nkrumah's “Pan-African” vision (African unification) to end colonial-mentality generating collective subordination of Subaltern/Africans. Generally, the use of Fanon’s psycho-social analysis has shown that the generational oppression, trauma, and cultural stereotypes continue to robotize and dictate African leaders and the African Union's favoritism of Western “neo-liberal” policies. It is summarized that the “Pan-African” failure is a failure of gradual unconscious “Pan-Africanists” who pledge allegiance to “Western” policies rather than rededicating themselves to durable Radical “Pan-Africanism” which is an antidote to Africa’s self-hate/xenophobia, neo-colonialism, and the robotization of unconscious Africans.

A global land rush developed during the last decade, spared primiarly by the sharp rise inglobal food prices between 2007 and 2008. The inceased international food prices resulted inincreased interest from foreign actors to invest in agricultural land in developing countries inthe global south. The “global land rush” or “land grabs” is driven by the increased demandfor primarily food and biofuels. The phenomenon refers to foreign direct investment inagricultural land in developing countries that has escalated in recent years, with Sub-SaharanAfrica as the most targeted. This study examines foreign land investment in Ghana focusingon the regions of Brong-Ahafo, Ashanti and Volta through a qualitative literature study. Thepurpose of the study is to analyze to what extent these investments can be explained asneo-colonial or as development opportunities. Based on analyzing economic, political,cultural and power relations, the study concludes that all cases are in line with neo-colonialtheory according to Nkrumah. The economic effects show temporary job creation and loss oflivelihood, which indicates economic exploitation. The cultural effects include disruption oftraditional practices and loss of cultural identity, suggesting cultural imperialism. The aspectof political power shows the marginalization of local interests and political dominance. Noneof the three cases fulfills the principles of a win-win situation and therefore can't beconsidered development opportunities either. The legal frameworks in the regions prioritizeforeign actors over the rights and welfare of affected communities, leading to an unbalanceddistribution of power. The job opportunities that the projects bring often hide the long-termeffects and loss of livelihoods for the local population. In conclusion, this study contributes tothe understanding of Land Grabbing in Ghana as a neo-colonial phenomenon rather than adevelopment opportunity.

The author strongly holds- in the thesis- that the Theology of liberation can inspi re the poor of South Africa to uproot the post-1994 socio-economic and political evil structures which continue unabated to impoverish them. The introductory chapter studies the reasons which motivated the author to write the thesis. It further discusses the method, the format and the limitations of the thesis. Chapter one focuses on the author's understanding of the Theology of liberation, and its historical background. Chapter two discusses the relationship between the Theology of Liberation and black theology, while chapter three contemplates on the possibility of the creation of what the author calls, An African Theology of Liberation. Chapter four studies the relationship between the Theology of liberation and the Social Teachings of the Catholic Church as taught by the pope and his council. The study of this relationship is extremely difficult because of the on-going, and seemingly insurmountable ideological differences between the two parties. The author suggests, as a solutio n, that each party seriously considers and recognizes the contextual limitations of its theology. Chapter five focuses on the implementation of the Theology of Liberat ion into the South African situation. The author highly recommends the inclusion of the veneration of the ancestors of Africa, as a perfect instrument by means of which the Theology of Liberation can succeed in achieving one of its major aims, which is to convert the poor to be leaders of their own liberation. The concluding chapter suggests concrete ways through which the Theology of Liberation can be kept alive and relevant within the South African situation. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / D. Th. (Theological Ethics)

The thesis has investigated the place of Zimbabwean indigenous intangible heritage in a globalising environment. It used the Shona language and intangible heritage situation as a case study. It argued that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is continually being eroded by the agents of globalisation and that the only way of safeguarding it from extinction is through the preservation of Zimbabwean indigenous languages. The thesis has come to this conclusion after having established that there is an intimate and inseparable bond between language and its intangible values so much that it is not possible to talk of one devoid of the other. The relationship has been seen to be symbiotic. The Shona language has been established to embody, express and to be a carrier of all the intangible heritage of its speakers into the future by re-living them in the people’s daily life while these intangible values have been seen to conserve the language through their continued practice by the people. The research has also established that Zimbabwean intangible heritage marginalisation has roots in colonialism, dating as far back as the early Christian missionary days. The Shona intangible heritage has also been seen to be still of value despite the global threats as evidenced by the people’s continued re-living of it through language. The thesis has also noted that the Zimbabwean Ministry of Education, Sport and Culture is still using out-dated colonial language policies that still further the ascendancy of English and the intangible values it stands for while indigenous languages and values are marginalised in the education system, in government and in industry thereby worsening their predicament in the global environment. The current socio-economic and political developments in the country and some Shona novelists in Shona and in English are also culprits in this whole process as they continue to demonise and infantilise Zimbabwean intangible heritage. The thesis has therefore asserted that Zimbabwean intangible heritage is most likely to be eroded from the face of the earth if no measures are taken to safeguard it from extinction. It has therefore wound up by arguing that the survival of Zimbabwean intangible heritage lies in the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages through which it continues to be practised and felt by its people. The thesis has therefore recommended that the Zimbabwean government adopt sound language policies that safeguard the survival of Zimbabwean indigenous languages to enable the indigenous intangible heritage of the people to survive as well as the two are intricately related. / African Languages / (D.Litt.et.Phil.(African Languages))