Neste trabalho, analiso o Segundo Concerto para Piano e Orquestra (1946) de Camargo Guarnieri (1907-1993) tendo como pano de fundo uma contextualização sobre o nacionalismo e o neoclassicismo na obra de Guarnieri. Se, por um lado, o nacionalismo oriundo dos movimentos modernistas vinculava-se a uma proposta de "normalização dos caracteres étnicos permanentes da musicalidade brasileira" (Neves, 1981), também visava à inserção do país em um contexto mundial (Travassos, 1999), proposta refletida na adoção de uma estética musical neoclássica. Em minha análise, identifico no Segundo Concerto reflexos do ideário formado em torno desse nacionalismo e vinculações estéticas com as tendências da música produzida internacionalmente. / In this work, I present an analysis of Camargo Guarnieri's Segundo Concerto para Piano e Orquestra (1946) taking into account the manifestations of the nationalistic and neoclassical trends in the work of this composer. If, on the one hand, the nationalism steemed from Brazilian early twentieth-century modernists movements aimed to "normalize the permanent ethnical characteristics of the brazilian musicality" (Neves, 1981), on the other hand it also aspired to integrate the country in a global context (Travassos, 1999), a goal which can be detected in the influence of neoclassical aesthetics. In my analysis of the Segundo Concerto, elements which can be traced to the ideas and proposals of the nacionalismo modernista are identified, as well as aesthetical links with the international music trends.

As the "Revolution" threatened Rome during the final decades of the Republic, the many landscapes of the city — built, intellectual, social and natural — became inextricably linked within a confused cultural matrix. Vitruvius was not simply observing a set of places; he was living within spaces that, while having lost many of their explicit meanings over time, contained within them implicit, albeit unclear, cultural codes for him to ponder. Vitruvius in fact was not describing Roman architecture as it was; he was describing it as he wished it to be. There are a host of reasons to question the physical exactitude of his examples and subsequent models: The vantage point of a single individual living within a specific place at a particular moment in time was, and continues to be, limited at best. There are geographical and architectural inaccuracies that leave the reader wondering if Vitruvius actually saw much of what was inserted within the treatise. And Vitruvius would have generalized in order to arrive at the broad sets of tenets contained in the books. The "looseness" characterizing the tenets of Vitruvius is precisely what has enabled imaginative interpretations over the centuries. By including drawings within translations, the classical imagination has become fused with memories of what monuments should look like. Linked to this, translated versions of Vitruvius' treatise can be usurped in order to connect ruins more closely to Roman architectural ideals than they may have been in the first place. The translation and annotation project of Jean Gardet and Dominique Bertin in the 1550s is an example of how the treatise of Vitruvius was attached, inextricably, to the antiquities of southern France. The habit of turning to the De Architectura in order to produce a body of archaeological knowledge and in turn to provide "proof for the architectural reconstruction of classical monuments has persisted. In the end, the monument can serve as confirmation for the translated text, and the text re-confirms the monument. In Orange, the use of the treatise by architects has been retraced to show that the reconstructed theater does not correspond, in its rebuilt state, to that which would have stood in its place. Eventually, the habit of turning to Vitruvius was adapted to such an extent that it practically became invisible, with architects and archaeologists turning to it with little thought as to its contextual validity. This is probably why we see so few explicit references to its use in the literature documenting the re-building of monuments; it is only by retracing field notes that the extent to which it was used, even relatively lately, can be assessed. At the same time, classical archaeology has — and continues to — direct its attention to deblayage, remaniements, consolidations and in time, la sauvegarde. The present-day impetus for these activities is closely connected to history, heritage and ultimately, the notion of patrimoine. The difficulty today is that the more we re-build, whether it be for basic cultural consumption or within grander state agendas, the recourse to producing related bodies of knowledge to justify architectural plans has the potential to increase significantly. The understanding of classical architecture within the context of history and heritage must be met by a corresponding comprehension of its temporal, formal and social nature; Vitruvius' words, as I have stressed, do not necessarily depict a material architecture. Vitruvius' architect lived within an urban setting that was highly dynamic and not necessarily readily interpreted. And while Republican spaces derived from a need for function, efficiency, beauty and representation, they were not necessarily or completely redesigned each time they were reused; they were often modified to suit. Notions related to specific and ideal spaces were most probably stored within the minds of the multifaceted designers to be shaped according to particular sets of pre-existing cultural and built conditions as well as geographical settings. And to these, the craftspeople would have added personal interpretations. Today the problems arise when architects and archaeologists, eager to convince themselves and others of their theoretic, forget that we simply do not know what memories resided in the mind of Roman architects. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate

Entre 1780 et 1830, la conception du paysage évolue radicalement. Au tournant des XVIIIème et XIXème siècles, Rome accueille une fraternité d’artistes qui construisent un nouveau regard sur l’architecture et la nature, qui se place aux origines du paysage moderne. Les itinéraires artistiques de quatre paysagistes français, Jérôme-René Demoulin (1758-1799), Jacques Moulinier (1757-1828), François Liger (1757-?) et Antoine-Laurent Castellan (1772-1838) appartenant à cette même génération, constituent le sujet de notre étude. Entretenant tous un lien avec la ville de Montpellier, ces hommes, exerçant la profession de « dessinateurs voyageurs », empruntent des grands itinéraires à travers une Europe en guerre. Engagés au sein de missions scientifiques ou de voyages pittoresques, ces artistes réalisent une moisson de dessins depuis Madrid jusqu’à Constantinople. Cette étude se donne comme objectif premier de (re)constituer le parcours et la production de chacun des artistes afin de nous approcher de leur personnalité artistique. Le musée Fabre de Montpellier conserve, disséminée dans ses collections, une grande partie de ces dessins de voyage. Ainsi, un travail considérable de réattribution fut nécessaire afin d’élaborer quatre catalogues rigoureux et inédits relatifs à chaque artiste (450 dessins au total). Dans un second temps, l’analyse de ces corpus retrouvés et augmentés, donne à voir la place de chacun dans les tendances artistiques contemporaines. Ne formant ni un groupe, ni un échantillon d’étude, ces quatre hommes représentent en fait, par leur parcours et leur production, un fragment des pratiques contemporaines du paysage, depuis les vues pittoresques de Jacques Moulinier, héritières du XVIIIème siècle, jusqu’à l’intuition d’Antoine-Laurent Castellan, qui réalise des études dans la forêt de Fontainebleau dès 1819, préfigurant alors lesdéveloppements futurs du genre du paysage. / Between 1780 and 1830 the conception of landscape, changed radically. At the turn of XVIIIth and XIXth centuries a brotherhood of artists were in Rome who had a new concept of the relationship between architecture and nature. The aesthetic journeys undertaken by these four Frenchmen of the same generation, Jérôme-René Demoulin (1758-1799), Jacques Moulinier (1757-1828), François Liger (1757-?) and Antoine-Laurent Castellan (1772-1838) are the subject of this study. Whilst following their profession as artists, travellers and making long journey across Europe in time of war, they maintained their link with the city of Montpellier. Involved at the heart of scientific investigations or making journeys in pursuit of the picturesque, these men made a harvest of designs from Madrid to Constantinople. The object of this study is firstly torediscover the individual journeys and drawings of each one and to come close to their individual aesthetic. The musee Fabre at Montpellier holds a large proportion of the drawings made during their travels within its collections. Thus in order to complete a definitive catalogue for each of these artists, 4 new catalogues from a total of 450 designs, a great deal of exacting research was necessary. Secondly to analyse each body of work to discover the place each one held in contemporary artistic trends more exacting study was required. These men form neither a group or a sample study. By their works and travels they represent a fragment of the landscape work of their time. Inheritors of their ideas in the XIXth century from the picturesque views of Jacques Moulinier, to the intuition of Antoine-Laurent Castellan, who made his studies in the forest of Fontainebleau from 1819, prefigure the future concepts of landscape.

Jean-Baptiste Bodoni (1740-1813) est l’un des imprimeurs les plus célèbres du monde occidental et, pour l’Italie, le dernier représentant de la « Typographie d’Ancien Régime » en même temps que le premier des « modernes ». Il a en effet été le dernier capable de dessiner, graver et fondre lui-même ses caractères, tout en exerçant conjointement l’imprimerie et la librairie. Après lui, l’industrialisation du livre commence : les activités qu'il réunissait dans son entreprise, selon la tradition remontant à la naissance de l’imprimerie, se scindèrent sans retour, tandis que la production imprimée s’adressait désormais à la fois à des marchés plus vastes et à des publics différents et plus larges. Les tirages de masse s'accompagnèrent d'une baisse de la qualité et d'une plus grande banalité du style. Grâce à Angelo Pezzana, directeur de la Bibliothèque de Parme au XIXème siècle, les outils utilisés par Bodoni pour fabriquer les caractères, mais aussi ses archives et une collection complète des volumes produits par son atelier, ont été conservés jusqu’à nos jours. Il est donc possible de reconstruire la vie de Bodoni, en insistant notamment sur ses rapports avec les cours d’Europe et avec le marché de la bibliophilie, sur les conditions et les pratiques de travail dans la fonderie de caractères et dans l’imprimerie, et sur la genèse des ouvrages les plus célèbres. La fortune qui a été la sienne remonte aux décennies qui suivent sa disparition et se prolonge jusqu’à aujourd’hui, où les caractères Bodoni sont utilisés dans les graphismes publicitaires et dans les revues, ainsi que pour les marques de mode. Ils sont, toujours, des symboles de l’élégance, de la simplicité, et en même temps du luxe et de l’italianité. / Giambattista Bodoni (1740-1813) is one of the most famous printers of the western world and, for Italy, the last representative of the "Ancien Régime Typography" at the same time as the first "modern". It has indeed been able to make his own characters while exercising together printing and book trade. After him, the industrialization of the book begins: the activities he met in his company, according to tradition dating back to the birth of printing, divided without return, while print production is now addressed to both larger markets and different and wider audiences. Mass prints were accompanied by a decline in quality and of greater banality of style. With Angelo Pezzana, director of the Library of Parma in the nineteenth century, the tools used by Bodoni for making type, but also its archives and a complete collection of volumes produced by his typography, have been preserved until today. It is therefore possible to reconstruct Bodoni of life, with particular emphasis on its relations with the courts of Europe and the market for bibliophile, on the conditions and labor practices in the foundry of characters and in printing, and the genesis of the most famous works. His fortune follow his death and continues until today, where Bodoni characters are used in graphics and for publications and magazines, as well as for fashion brands. They are always, symbols of elegance, simplicity, and at the same time of the luxury and of the Italian style.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Müller-Wolff, Susanne: Ein Landschaftsgarten im Ilmtal--Jena, 2004, die Geschichte des herzoglichen Parks in Weimar im Spiegel der kunsttheoretischen Diskussion um 1800.

Dissertation : Universität Zurich, 1981. / Bibliogr. p. 335-343. Index.

La présente étude vise à réexaminer l’oeuvre de Marguerite Yourcenar (1903-1987) sous le signe du néoclassicisme du XXe siècle. À travers une approche d’histoire littéraire et culturelle, sont analysés les écarts ou rapprochements qu’elle a opérés par rapport aux courants littéraires et artistiques de son temps, notamment ceux de l’Entre-deux-guerres. La première partie cherche à mettre au jour l’enjeu et la modalité de son rapport à l’Antiquité, en examinant, outre ses textespubliés, les documents inédits conservés aux archives à l’Université Harvard et à Petite Plaisance : le cahier dans lequel son père a copié des poèmes choisis ; le recueil Les Dieux ne sont pas morts (1922) et le tapuscrit de poèmes, « Album de vers anciens » (1917-1965) ; l’exemplaire de De Profundis sur lequel elle a laissé des traces de sa lecture. La deuxième partie retrace, en observant les textes publiés par l’auteur dans plusieurs revues ainsi que la correspondance, surtout dans les années trente et dans des écrits postérieurs sur cette période, l’itinéraire d’une jeune romancière qui n’est pas ignorante des courants majeurs — ceux qui se développent autour de la NRF, du courant dit du « retour à l’ordre » et de la découverte d’une nouvelle image de la Grèce — mais maintient un écart subtil entre eux et sa propre production. La troisième partie propose, à travers la caractérisation de son esthétique néoclassique, de définir Marguerite Yourcenar comme une figure de l’antimoderne et du dandy. / This study proposes to reexamine the works of Marguerite Yourcenar (1903-1987), focussing on the relation to the 20th century’s neoclassicism. By means of literary- and cultural-history approaches, it analyzes the gaps or connections between her and the literary or artistic currents in the Interwar period. The first part clarifies how the author moulded her view of ancient Greece and Rome, which affected her works. It examines published and unpublished documents conserved in Harvard University and in Petite Plaisance: the notebook in which her father copied the poems chosen by him; the collection of poems by Yourcenar, The Gods didn’t die (1922), and its related typed texts “Album of ancient poems” (1917-1965); the book De Profundis of Oscar Wilde which includes her reading notes. The second part traces the trajectory of the young novelist, which shows that she was not indifferent to the major currents; the NRF, the return to the order and the discovery of the new image of Greece. We examine especially her writings published in several magazines and her letters written in the thirties as well as her works concerning this period. The third part proposes to regard Yourcenar as an anti-modernist and a dandy, by clarifying her neoclassical aesthetics.

Catherine the Great, The Empress of Russia, considered herself to be an enlightened ruler. Like many enlightened minds of the eighteenth century, she was fascinated with classical antiquity, especially with ancient Rome. In 1779, she invited a Scottish architect named Charles Cameron to complete a series of building projects for her that would create a "second Rome" in Tsarskoye Selo and in Pavlovsk, Russia. Cameron, an expert on classical antiquity because of his studies of the Roman ruins and the publication of his book, The Baths of the Romans, had a special interest in and a dedication to classical antiquity, desiring to make Catherine's Rome as "authentic" as possible. Cameron's expertise was not the only reason why Catherine hired him and made him her imperial architect; Catherine was also fascinated with his background as a Scottish aristocrat and the leader of the Lochiel clan in exile. However, Cameron falsified his identity as a Highlander to make himself more attractive to Catherine; in addition, his own skill in creating an entirely new identity made him more qualified to produce a simulation of Rome that would seem real. Catherine's fascination with Cameron could also be explained by the fact that both Catherine and Cameron were foreigners trying to validate their presence in Russia through their identities. But regardless of Cameron's true identity, his wonderful buildings are great contributions to the eighteenth century neoclassicism.

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Emma Hamilton (1765-1815) eut un impact considérable à un moment charnière de l’histoire et de l’art européens. Faisant preuve d’une énorme résilience, elle trouva un moyen efficace d’affirmer son agentivité et fut une source d’inspiration puissante pour des générations de femmes et d’artistes dans leur propre quête d’expression et de réalisation de soi. Cette thèse démontre qu’Emma tira sa puissance particulière de sa capacité à négocier des identités différentes et parfois même contradictoires – objet et sujet ; modèle et portraiturée ; artiste, muse et œuvre d’art ; épouse, maîtresse et prostituée ; roturière et aristocrate ; mondaine et ambassadrice : et interprète d’une myriade de caractères historiques, bibliques, littéraires et mythologiques, tant masculins que féminins. Épouse de l’ambassadeur anglais à Naples, favorite de la reine de Naples et amante de l’amiral Horatio Nelson, elle fut un agent sur la scène politique pendant l’époque révolutionnaire et napoléonienne. Dans son ascension sociale vertigineuse qui la mena de la plus abjecte misère aux plus hauts échelons de l’aristocratie anglaise, elle sut s’adapter, s’ajuster et se réinventer. Elle reçut et divertit d’innombrables écrivains, artistes, scientifiques, nobles, diplomates et membres de la royauté. Elle participa au développement et à la dissémination du néoclassicisme au moment même de son efflorescence. Elle créa ses Attitudes, une performance répondant au goût de son époque pour le classicisme, qui fut admirée et imitée à travers l’Europe et qui inspira des générations d’interprètes féminines. Elle apprit à danser la tarentelle et l’introduisit dans les salons aristocratiques. Elle influença un réseau de femmes s’étendant de Paris à Saint-Pétersbourg et incluant Élisabeth Vigée-Le Brun, Germaine de Staël et Juliette Récamier. Modèle hors pair, elle inspira plusieurs artistes pour la production d’œuvres qu’ils reconnurent comme parmi leurs meilleures. Elle fut représentée par les plus grands artistes de son temps, dont Angelica Kauffman, Benjamin West, Élisabeth Vigée-Le Brun, George Romney, James Gillray, Joseph Nollekens, Joshua Reynolds, Thomas Lawrence et Thomas Rowlandson. Elle bouscula, de façon répétée, les limites et mœurs sociales. Néanmoins, Emma ne tentait pas de présenter une identité cohérente, unifiée, polie. Au contraire, elle était un kaléidoscope de multiples « sois » qu’elle gardait actifs et en dialogue les uns avec les autres, réarrangeant continuellement ses facettes afin de pouvoir simultanément s’exprimer pleinement et présenter aux autres ce qu’ils voulaient voir. / Emma Hamilton (1765-1815) had a marked impact at a pivotal moment in European history and art. This dissertation shows that Emma drew her particular potency from her ability to negotiate these different and at times contradictory identities—object and subject; model and sitter; artist, muse, and work of art; wife, mistress, and prostitute; commoner and aristocrat; socialite and ambassadress; and performer of myriad historical, biblical, literary, and mythological male and female characters. Emma displayed astonishing resilience, found an effective way to assert her agency, and was a powerful inspiration for generations of artists and of women in their own search for expression and self-actualization. The wife of England’s ambassador to Naples, the favourite of the queen of Naples, and the lover of Admiral Horatio Nelson, she was an agent on the political stage during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic era. She adapted, adjusted, and reinvented herself in her dizzying rise from rags to riches. She entertained and beguiled countless writers, artists, scientists, aristocrats, politicians, and royalty. She participated in the dissemination of Neoclassicism in Europe at the very moment of its efflorescence. She created her Attitudes, a performance that tapped into her epoch’s taste for classicism, was admired and imitated throughout Europe, and inspired generations of female performers. She learnt to dance the tarantella and introduced it into aristocratic drawing rooms. She influenced an early nineteenth-century network of women that spanned Paris to St Petersburg and included Élisabeth Vigée-Le Brun, Germaine de Staël, and Juliette Récamier. An unmatched model and sitter, she inspired artists to produce what they acknowledged to be some of their best work. She appeared in works produced by the major artists of her time, among whom Angelica Kauffman, Benjamin West, Élisabeth Vigée-Le Brun, George Romney, James Gillray, Joseph Nollekens, Joshua Reynolds, Thomas Lawrence, and Thomas Rowlandson. And she repeatedly pushed against the limits of social mores. Nevertheless, Emma did not attempt to present a coherent, unified, polished identity. Instead, she was a kaleidoscope of different selves that she kept active and in dialogue with each other, constantly reconfiguring the pieces so that she could simultaneously express herself fully and present to others what they wanted to see.