Durant la dernière décennie, des FAI ont été accusés de discriminer certainstypes de trafic utilisateur générés par des applications gourmandes en bandepassante (peer-to-peer, streaming vidéo) ou par des services concurrents(Voice-over-IP). La neutralité des réseaux, un principe selon lequel un réseaudevrait traiter tous les paquets entrants de la même manière, a été largementdébattue. Dans cette thèse, nous présentons ChkDiff, un nouvel outil pour ladétection de la différentiation du trafic dans le réseau d'accès. Contrairementaux travaux existants, notre méthode est agnostique à la fois vis-à-vis desapplications testées et des mécanismes de shaping déployés. ChkDiff comprenddeux phases dans lesquelles nous testons séparément le trafic montant etdescendant capturé auparavant dans la machine de l'utilisateur. Dans ladirection montante, ChkDiff rejoue le trafic sortant de la machine del'utilisateur avec une valeur TTL modifiée afin de pouvoir tester les routeursaux premiers sauts. En comparant les délais et les pertes des paquets des fluxqui ont traversé les mêmes routeurs et en analysant les résultats sur latopologie des routeurs traversés, nous montrons que nous pouvons détecter lescas de différentiation et localiser les shapers. Notre étude sur la réactivité desrouteurs aux sondes avec TTL limité consolide notre choix de mesures dansl'expérimentation sur le trafic montant. Dans la direction descendante, nousrejouons le trafic entrant dans la machine de l'utilisateur à partir d'un serveurde mesure et analysons pour chaque flux les délais unidirectionnels et lespertes, tout en tenant compte la possibilité de trajets multiples entre le serveuret l’utilisateur. Le long des chapitres de cette thèse, nous fournissons unedescription détaillée de notre méthodologie et une validation de notre outil. / In the last decade, some ISPs have been reported to discriminate againstspecific user traffic, especially if generated by bandwidth-hungry applications(e.g., peer-to-peer, video streaming) or competing services (e.g. Voice-over-IP).Network neutrality, a design principle according to which a network shouldtreat all incoming packets equally, has been widely debated ever since. In thisthesis we present ChkDiff, a novel tool for the detection of trafficdifferentiation at the Internet access. In contrast to existing work, our methodis agnostic to both the applications being tested and the shaping mechanismsdeployed by an ISP. The experiment comprises two parts, in which we check fordifferentiation separately on upstream and downstream traffic that wepreviously dump directly from the user. In the upstream direction, ChkDiffreplays the user's outgoing traffic with a modified TTL value in order to checkfor differentiation on routers at the first few hops from the user. By comparingthe resulting delays and losses of flows that traversed the same routers, andanalyzing the behaviour on the immediate router topology spawning from theuser end point, we manage to detect instances of traffic shaping and attempt tolocalize shapers. Our study on the responsiveness of routers to TTL-limitedprobes consolidates our choice of measurements in the upstream experiment.In the downstream experiment, we replay the user's incoming traffic from ameasurement server and analyze per-flow one-way delays and losses, whiletaking into account the possibility of multiple paths between the two endpoints.Along the chapters of this thesis, we provide a detailed description of ourmethodology and a validation of our tool.

El objetivo de esta tesis es el estudio de distintos problemas económicos en los que el diseño de las instituciones afectan de forma significativa los resultados obtenidos. Es un enfoque teórico motivado por problemas económicos relacionados con el diseño de políticas educativas o industriales. El objetivo es comprender los incentivos de los individuos o las empresas al tomar decisiones y la forma en que la regulación puede influenciar tales decisiones. La tesis consta de tres capítulos. En el primer capítulo, se estudia el papel que las reglas internas a las universidades tienen en la producción de la ciencia y en la formación de nuevas generaciones de investigadores. La calidad de los futuros investigadores afecta el valor de proyectos científicos. En este capítulo se considera que científicos con más experiencia (seniors) influyen en la formación de los científicos con menos experiencia (los juniors). El modelo teórico describe las decisiones de los seniors en dedicar su tiempo a la investigación directa o a la formación de juniors, en el entorno de un proyecto de investigación. La inclusión de un junior en el proyecto mejora los resultados de éste, y la contribución del junior crece con su calidad. Los resultados de asignación del tiempo entre la investigación directa y la formación dependen de las características del proyecto, la preocupación del senior para la formación y la capacidad innata del junior. El modelo realiza un análisis sobre el papel que un regulador puede jugar en la definición del valor de los proyectos y la población futura de científicos independientes. El segundo capítulo analiza el papel que los acuerdos “pay-for-delay” pueden jugar en la estrategia de obtención de patentes de las empresas farmacéuticas de marca. Se considera que las farmacéuticas de marca se enfrentan a la competencia potencial de las empresas de genéricos antes del vencimiento de su patente. El análisis se encuadra dentro en un debate importante: el efecto de la amenaza de los genéricos en las estrategias de innovación, ya que estas conforman el trayecto de mejoras sobre medicamentos de la industria. Para realizar el análisis, se propone un modelo que explicita la decisión de patentar ante la posible entrada de genéricos y teniendo en cuenta la posibilidad de litigio como reacción a esa entrada. Una empresa farmacéutica de marca debe decidir bien desarrollar un nuevo medicamento, bien mejorar la protección de un medicamento ya existente. Se muestra que permitir los acuerdos “pay-for-delay” fomenta una mayor entrada de empresas de genéricos y, en algunos casos, llevan a que las decisiones de la marca se desvíen hacia la protección de los medicamentos existentes, en detrimento del desarrollo de nuevos medicamentos. En el tercer capítulo, se desarrolla un modelo de competencia de servicios en línea y contenido. Internet es un mercado donde los proveedores de servicios de Internet (ISP) sirven de plataforma que conecta los usuarios y los contenidos. Se analizan los incentivos de ISP para invertir en la capacidad de la red, bajo un régimen de red neutral y bajo un régimen discriminatorio. Se considera que los ISP tienen diferentes capacidades de red y los proveedores de contenidos (CP) distribuyen contenidos asimétricos. En el modelo los usuarios deciden a qué proveedor conectarse y navegar por uno de los contenidos. Cuando los ISP discriminan los contenidos, los usuarios migran desde el ISP más grande al más pequeño. El resultado que se obtiene del análisis es que cuando los ISP pueden discriminar y cobran una cuota suficientemente alta por el servicio de prioridad, estos tienen menos incentivos para aumentar la capacidad de la red, en comparación con el régimen de neutralidad de la red. / The objective of this thesis is the theoretical study, under different approaches, of topics in political economy and in industrial organization. The purpose is to understand the incentives of individuals or firms to make certain strategic decisions and how regulatory institutions can deal with such decisions. It is composed of three chapters. In the first chapter, it is studied the role that universities have in producing science and in training the new generations of researchers. The quality of future researchers is very important, since this quality affects the value of future scientific projects. It is considered the case where senior scientists influence the quality of juniors. The theoretical model approaches the incentives of senior scientists to either perform direct research or to training juniors, while working in a project as a team, by focusing on the senior’s decision of how much time to allocate to each task. Juniors’ contribution to projects is increasing in their quality. The results of this decision depend upon the characteristics of the research project, the senior scientist’s concern for training and the expected innate ability of the junior scientist involved. Additionally, an analysis is made on the role of a regulator in defining both the value of scientific projects and the future population of independent scientists. The second chapter analyzes the effect that pay-for-delay settlements may be playing on the patent strategy of brand pharmaceutical firms, when these face potential competition from generic firms before brand drug patent expiration. This is part of an important debate since patent strategy shapes the innovation path of the pharmaceutical industry. To perform the analysis, the framework is a model of patent decision under the prospect of generic entry and litigation as a reaction to entry. A brand pharmaceutical firm must decide to either develop a new drug or to improve the protection of an existing drug, when faced with possible entry of a generic. It is shown at allowing pay-for-delay settlements induce more entry of generic drug firms in brand drug markets and, in some cases, direct brand firms' decisions towards protection of existing drugs, in detriment of new drug development. In the third chapter, it is developed a model of competition in online and content services. It is known that Internet works as a two-sided market, where Internet Service Providers (ISPs) serve as a platform that connects users and contents. The analysis evaluates the incentives of ISPs to invest in network capacity under a network neutral regime and a network discriminatory regime, where a tiered service is offered. ISPs have different network capacities and Content Providers (CPs) distribute asymmetric contents. Users decide which provider to connect to and which content to browse. When ISPs prioritize one of the contents, users migrate from the larger ISP to the smaller. The main result is that when ISPs are allowed to discriminate and charge a sufficiently high fee for the priority service, both ISPs have lower incentives to increase the network capacity, in comparison to the network neutrality regime.

Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final. / This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.

Esse trabalho aborda a construção histórica de uma ideologia contemporânea que defende a visão de que a internet deveria ser aberta e livre. Essa ideologia, chamada por muitos autores de ideologia \"ciberlibertária\", possui um caráter híbrido e é defendida por grupos à direita e à esquerda do espectro político. A visão que a sustenta é produto de uma síntese de ideias da cibernética dos anos 1940, com um romantismo individualista característico da contracultura dos anos 1960, e o discurso neoliberal em ascensão nos Estados Unidos dos anos 1980. Essa síntese foi realizada principalmente pelo catálogo contracultural Whole Earth Catalog, publicado nos anos 1960 nos EUA, e propagada pela rede de pessoas que se articulou em torno desse catálogo e de suas publicações derivadas. Ela emergiu nos anos 1990 na região do Vale do Silício como uma ideologia, alimentando a bolha da internet e o discurso de que a rede era uma mídia excepcional, de caráter democrático e transparente, um espaço de exercício da liberdade e maior exemplo dos benefícios do livre mercado. Ao definir esse discurso como ideológico nós defendemos aqui que ele funciona como um campo de disputa pelo poder e legitimação, entre grupos sociais significativos, dentro da sociedade. Neste sentido, essa ideologia não estaria beneficiando de forma exclusiva nenhum dos grupos em disputa, mas obedeceria à dinâmica de luta pelo poder político, que ora coloca um grupo em vantagem, ora coloca outro. A tese de que essa ideologia está a serviço da direita neoliberal, defendida por alguns autores, é, portanto, rebatida aqui por nós. A nossa tese é a de que, apesar de ter contribuído para a reestruturação do capitalismo a partir dos anos 1980, e ainda continuar contribuindo para a propagação de suas práticas em alguns contextos, essa ideologia também favorece o florescimento de algumas práticas que o desafiam. De modo que não devemos crer que a esquerda é totalmente desarmada por esse discurso e tem necessariamente em toda e qualquer situação a sua resistência política anulada ao se alinhar a ele. Para sustentar o nosso argumento, apresentamos o debate da neutralidade da rede, que se desenvolveu em vários países a partir dos anos 2000, como uma demonstração clara disso. Esse debate, que está ancorado na defesa de uma internet neutra e aberta, pode ser uma vitrine através da qual podemos perceber essa ideologia funcionando como um campo de disputas entre grupos da esquerda e da direita. Através da comparação entre o debate sobre a neutralidade da rede no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos, foi possível perceber que as implicações desse discurso podem se manifestar em direções inclusive opostas, resultando, por exemplo, na defesa da democracia ou na defesa do mercado. / This work addresses the historical construction of a contemporary ideology that defends the view that the internet should be open and free. This ideology, called by many authors of \"cyberlibertarian\" ideology, has a hybrid character and is defended by groups on the right and left side of the political spectrum. The vision that sustains it is the product of a synthesis made of cybernetic ideas of the 1940s, with an individualistic romanticism of the counterculture of the 1960s and the neoliberal discourse on the rise in the United States of the 1980s. This synthesis was carried out mainly by the countercultural catalog Whole Earth Catalog published in the 1960s in the USA and propagated by the network of people who articulated around this catalog and its derived publications. It emerged in the 1990s in the Silicon Valley region as an ideology, fueling the internet bubble and the discourse that the network was an exceptional, democratic and transparent media, a space for the exercise of freedom, and a greater example of the benefits of free market. In defining this discourse as ideological we argue here that it functions as a field of dispute for power and legitimation among significant social groups within society. In this sense, this ideology would not be exclusively benefiting any of the groups in dispute, but would obey the dynamics of fighting for political power, which sometimes puts one group in advantage, and sometimes puts another. The thesis that this ideology serves the neoliberal right-wing, defended by some authors, is thus countered here by us. Our thesis is that, although it has contributed to the restructuring of capitalism since the 1980s, and continues to contribute to the propagation of its practices in some contexts, this ideology also favors the flourishing of some practices that challenge it. So we must not believe that the left-wing groups are totally disarmed by this discourse and have necessarily in any and all situation their political resistance nullified by aligning themselves with it. To support our argument, we present the net neutrality debate, which has developed in several countries since the 2000s, as a clear demonstration of this. This debate, which is anchored in the defense of a neutral and open internet, can be a showcase through which we can perceive this ideology functioning as a field of disputes between left and right-wing groups. Through the comparison between the debate about net neutrality in Brazil and in the United States, it was possible to perceive that the implications of this discourse can manifest in even opposing directions, resulting, for example, in the defense of democracy or in the defense of the market.

Esse trabalho aborda a construção histórica de uma ideologia contemporânea que defende a visão de que a internet deveria ser aberta e livre. Essa ideologia, chamada por muitos autores de ideologia \"ciberlibertária\", possui um caráter híbrido e é defendida por grupos à direita e à esquerda do espectro político. A visão que a sustenta é produto de uma síntese de ideias da cibernética dos anos 1940, com um romantismo individualista característico da contracultura dos anos 1960, e o discurso neoliberal em ascensão nos Estados Unidos dos anos 1980. Essa síntese foi realizada principalmente pelo catálogo contracultural Whole Earth Catalog, publicado nos anos 1960 nos EUA, e propagada pela rede de pessoas que se articulou em torno desse catálogo e de suas publicações derivadas. Ela emergiu nos anos 1990 na região do Vale do Silício como uma ideologia, alimentando a bolha da internet e o discurso de que a rede era uma mídia excepcional, de caráter democrático e transparente, um espaço de exercício da liberdade e maior exemplo dos benefícios do livre mercado. Ao definir esse discurso como ideológico nós defendemos aqui que ele funciona como um campo de disputa pelo poder e legitimação, entre grupos sociais significativos, dentro da sociedade. Neste sentido, essa ideologia não estaria beneficiando de forma exclusiva nenhum dos grupos em disputa, mas obedeceria à dinâmica de luta pelo poder político, que ora coloca um grupo em vantagem, ora coloca outro. A tese de que essa ideologia está a serviço da direita neoliberal, defendida por alguns autores, é, portanto, rebatida aqui por nós. A nossa tese é a de que, apesar de ter contribuído para a reestruturação do capitalismo a partir dos anos 1980, e ainda continuar contribuindo para a propagação de suas práticas em alguns contextos, essa ideologia também favorece o florescimento de algumas práticas que o desafiam. De modo que não devemos crer que a esquerda é totalmente desarmada por esse discurso e tem necessariamente em toda e qualquer situação a sua resistência política anulada ao se alinhar a ele. Para sustentar o nosso argumento, apresentamos o debate da neutralidade da rede, que se desenvolveu em vários países a partir dos anos 2000, como uma demonstração clara disso. Esse debate, que está ancorado na defesa de uma internet neutra e aberta, pode ser uma vitrine através da qual podemos perceber essa ideologia funcionando como um campo de disputas entre grupos da esquerda e da direita. Através da comparação entre o debate sobre a neutralidade da rede no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos, foi possível perceber que as implicações desse discurso podem se manifestar em direções inclusive opostas, resultando, por exemplo, na defesa da democracia ou na defesa do mercado. / This work addresses the historical construction of a contemporary ideology that defends the view that the internet should be open and free. This ideology, called by many authors of \"cyberlibertarian\" ideology, has a hybrid character and is defended by groups on the right and left side of the political spectrum. The vision that sustains it is the product of a synthesis made of cybernetic ideas of the 1940s, with an individualistic romanticism of the counterculture of the 1960s and the neoliberal discourse on the rise in the United States of the 1980s. This synthesis was carried out mainly by the countercultural catalog Whole Earth Catalog published in the 1960s in the USA and propagated by the network of people who articulated around this catalog and its derived publications. It emerged in the 1990s in the Silicon Valley region as an ideology, fueling the internet bubble and the discourse that the network was an exceptional, democratic and transparent media, a space for the exercise of freedom, and a greater example of the benefits of free market. In defining this discourse as ideological we argue here that it functions as a field of dispute for power and legitimation among significant social groups within society. In this sense, this ideology would not be exclusively benefiting any of the groups in dispute, but would obey the dynamics of fighting for political power, which sometimes puts one group in advantage, and sometimes puts another. The thesis that this ideology serves the neoliberal right-wing, defended by some authors, is thus countered here by us. Our thesis is that, although it has contributed to the restructuring of capitalism since the 1980s, and continues to contribute to the propagation of its practices in some contexts, this ideology also favors the flourishing of some practices that challenge it. So we must not believe that the left-wing groups are totally disarmed by this discourse and have necessarily in any and all situation their political resistance nullified by aligning themselves with it. To support our argument, we present the net neutrality debate, which has developed in several countries since the 2000s, as a clear demonstration of this. This debate, which is anchored in the defense of a neutral and open internet, can be a showcase through which we can perceive this ideology functioning as a field of disputes between left and right-wing groups. Through the comparison between the debate about net neutrality in Brazil and in the United States, it was possible to perceive that the implications of this discourse can manifest in even opposing directions, resulting, for example, in the defense of democracy or in the defense of the market.

This thesis investigates the policy frames employed by civil society organizations (CSOs) in the network neutrality debate in Canada and the United States. Network neutrality is defined as restrictions on Internet Service Providers (ISPs) to respect freedom of expression on the Internet and not seek to prevent innovative competition nor control the services or content available to users. The primary question under investigation is the policy frames of CSOs in the debate. The second question is whether CSOs have influenced policy outcomes in either legislation or regulation. The focus of the analysis is on regulatory agencies (CRTC and FCC); proposed legislation in Parliament and Congress is also analyzed as well. By examining the arguments advanced by various policy participants (government, ISPs, and CSOs), common points can be identified that may help the participants come to agreement.

This thesis investigates the policy frames employed by civil society organizations (CSOs) in the network neutrality debate in Canada and the United States. Network neutrality is defined as restrictions on Internet Service Providers (ISPs) to respect freedom of expression on the Internet and not seek to prevent innovative competition nor control the services or content available to users. The primary question under investigation is the policy frames of CSOs in the debate. The second question is whether CSOs have influenced policy outcomes in either legislation or regulation. The focus of the analysis is on regulatory agencies (CRTC and FCC); proposed legislation in Parliament and Congress is also analyzed as well. By examining the arguments advanced by various policy participants (government, ISPs, and CSOs), common points can be identified that may help the participants come to agreement.

We propose that the industry structure in Taiwan broadband market is a two-sided market. In this framework, the networks need to be completely interconnected in order to ensure unhindered (or smoothly) information flow. Based on a two-sided market model, we analyze the IP peering mechanism for Taiwan Internet market. We show that the IP peering access charges should be a very low constant amount to reflect the unique Taiwan broadband industry structure. Furthermore, in attracting more Internet content providers (ICP) and end users to provide more content services and Internet applications, the Internet service providers (ISP) should provide free broadband services to ICPs. Though these results are contradictory with the ¡§user-pays¡¨ principle, it ensures more profitable for ISPs and ICPs. Most importantly, the impacts on the whole social welfare are improved. Last, we examine a more efficacious framework for ensuring network neutrality is Efficient Component Pricing Rule (ECPR) in a vertically-integrated monopoly market, as in Taiwan Broadband industry.

The Internet consists of thousands of autonomous networks connected together to provide end-to-end reachability. Networks of different sizes, and with different functions and business objectives, interact and co-exist in the evolving "Internet Ecosystem". The Internet ecosystem is highly dynamic, experiencing growth (birth of new networks), rewiring (changes in the connectivity of existing networks), as well as deaths (of existing networks). The dynamics of the Internet ecosystem are determined both by external "environmental" factors (such as the state of the global economy or the popularity of new Internet applications) and the complex incentives and objectives of each network. These dynamics have major implications on how the future Internet will look like. How does the Internet evolve? What is the Internet heading towards, in terms of topological, performance, and economic organization? How do given optimization strategies affect the profitability of different networks? How do these strategies affect the Internet in terms of topology, economics, and performance? In this thesis, we take some steps towards answering the above questions using a combination of measurement and modeling approaches. We first study the evolution of the Autonomous System (AS) topology over the last decade. In particular, we classify ASes and inter-AS links according to their business function, and study separately their evolution over the last 10 years. Next, we focus on enterprise customers and content providers at the edge of the Internet, and propose algorithms for a stub network to choose its upstream providers to maximize its utility (either monetary cost, reliability or performance). Third, we develop a model for interdomain network formation, incorporating the effects of economics, geography, and the provider/peer selections strategies of different types of networks. We use this model to examine the "outcome" of these strategies, in terms of the topology, economics and performance of the resulting internetwork. We also investigate the effect of external factors, such as the nature of the interdomain traffic matrix, customer preferences in provider selection, and pricing/cost structures. Finally, we focus on a recent trend due to the increasing amount of traffic flowing from content providers (who generate content), to access providers (who serve end users). This has led to a tussle between content providers and access providers, who have threatened to prioritize certain types of traffic, or charge content providers directly -- strategies that are viewed as violations of "network neutrality". In our work, we evaluate various pricing and connection strategies that access providers can use to remain profitable without violating network neutrality.

Esta pesquisa analisa a atuação dos grupos de interesses do setor privado na política de internet no Brasil, concentrando-se na definição do princípio da neutralidade de rede no âmbito do Marco Civil da Internet. A influência dos grupos de interesses e o seu papel como fornecedores de informação aos tomadores de decisão foi constatada a partir do levantamento de documentos oficiais, contribuições a consultas e audiências públicas e artigos jornalísticos. Em seguida, os dados levantados foram analisados sob três abordagens teóricas: os tipos de políticas públicas de Lowi, a ciência política com foco na política (policy-focused) de Hacker e Pierson, e o equilíbrio interrompido de True e Baumgatner. A pesquisa identificou que os grupos de interesses traçaram as suas estratégias em função das características da política, formaram coalizões baseadas em interesses compartilhados e construíram três imagens principais para o assunto da neutralidade de rede a fim de destacar o seu posicionamento e captar a atenção de formuladores de política, tomadores de decisão e da opinião pública, são elas: a liberdade de expressão, competição e a legalidade. Os três principais grupos de interesses do setor privado que disputaram a definição do Marco Civil da Internet foram o setor de conteúdo, o setor de internet e o setor de telecomunicações. Em conclusão, a pesquisa identificou a redução gradativa do escopo da política para acomodar interesses conflitantes em um mínimo final. / This research aims to analyze private sector interest groups influence on internet policy in Brazil, particularly on the definition of network neutrality in the Internet Framework Law (Marco Civil da Internet). Interest groups influence and their role as information subsidizers was examined through the study of official documents, contributions to public consultations and public hearings and media articles. Following data collection, a descriptive analysis of the results was undertaken based on three main theoretical approaches: Theodore Lowi\'s public policy typology, Hacker and Pierson\'s policy-focused social science and True and Baumgartner\'s punctuated equilibrium. The research identified that interests groups traced their strategies according to the policy in dispute, built coalitions based on shared (but mutable) interests, and developed three main images to emphasize their position and engage policymakers, decisionmakers and public opinion: network neutrality as freedom of speech, as competition and as legality. Three main private sector interest groups were identified during the dispute: the content industry, the internet industry and the telecommunications industry. In conclusion, this research observed that group dispute gradually reduced policy scope to accommodate conflicting interests in one final policy.