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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Theatre, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 84-87).

Habilitation - Universität, Bayreuth, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [289]-321) and index.

The Puritan attitude toward death in seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century New England was ambivalent and contained both terror at the possibility of eternal damnation and hope for deliverance. The joyful theme of the migratio ad Dominum resonated with the Saints only at times when they were convinced divine grace was actively working in their lives, but when they saw they were backsliding, the horror of death prevailed. Puritan anxiety about death was caused by tensions inherent in the doctrine of predestination, which implied man's dependence on God's inscrutability, and in the doctrine of assurance, which implied that self-doubt was more desirable than full assurance of salvation. What complicated any verification of the presence of grace was man's endless potential for self-deception. Memento mori gave urgency to the Puritan work ethic and the effective use of time. The anxiety about one's destiny began in early childhood when death and its ensuing horrors for the depraved were used as a means of religious instruction to provoke spiritual precocity and conversion. This early immersion into the discourse about death has been erroneously interpreted as a proof of the non-existence of childhood in Puritan New England. Deathbed scenes depicted in Puritan spiritual biographies were designed as examples...

L’histoire des arts et de la culture au Québec comporte plusieurs exemples de « retours d’Europe » et de « triomphes français » depuis les séjours de formation outre-Atlantique des « exotiques » jusqu’aux succès des chansonniers sur les scènes parisiennes. Or, entre le début des années 1930 et le milieu des années 1950, de nombreux artistes populaires montréalais font plutôt l’expérience de la tournée américaine. Année après année, ces artistes sillonnent les routes de la Nouvelle-Angleterre pour divertir le public francophone présent dans les villes industrielles et dans les villages forestiers de la région, se rendant même parfois jusqu’à New York. Pourtant, cet épisode de grande mobilité est pratiquement absent de l’histoire, de la mémoire et du patrimoine culturel au Québec et aux États-Unis. Au-delà de l’impact de la Grande Dépression sur la scène culturelle montréalaise et de celui de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale sur la possibilité de séjourner en Europe, si ces artistes ont tourné leur regard vers l’Amérique, c’est parce qu’ils évoluent dans un espace transnational autant géographique que symbolique, hérité de l’époque des grandes migrations intracontinentales, puis réactivé et reconfiguré par l’avènement des médias sonores et audiovisuels comme le disque, la radio et le cinéma. L’histoire de la célébrité médiatique de Mary « La Bolduc » Travers, de Rudy Vallée et de Jean Grimaldi proposée dans cette thèse permet d’accéder aux différentes strates de ce phénomène à la croisée de l’histoire culturelle, de l’histoire des médias et de l’histoire des migrations. Leurs récits enchevêtrés révèlent ainsi les modalités de la mobilité migratoire, artistique et médiatique au sein — et parfois à l’extérieur — de la « communauté imaginée » canadienne-française. L’étude des critères de la patrimonialisation des artistes éclaire en partie les causes de l’oubli de cet épisode de la culture francophone en Amérique du Nord, comme : le rejet de la mobilité dans la mise en récit des formations nationales et ethnoculturelles ; la marginalisation historique des arts populaires ; et la méfiance que suscitent à l’époque les États-Unis au sein des élites culturelles et politiques à travers le monde. / Art history and cultural history in Quebec present many examples of “retours d’Europe” and of “French triumphs,” from the formative overseas stays of the “exotiques” in the 1910s to the stage success of Quebec “chansonniers” in Paris in the 1950s and 1960s. However, between the early 1930s and the mid-1950s, some of the most famous French-speaking artists based in Montréal preferred to go on tour in the United States. Many of them traveled New England year after year, sometimes going as far as New York City, to cheer the French-speaking public present along the way in the industrial cities of the region. Yet this episode of high mobility is almost absent from history, memory and cultural heritage in Quebec—and even more so in the United States. Beyond the impact of the Great Depression on Montréal’s cultural scene and of the Second World War on the possibility of visiting Europe, these artists have turned their eyes towards America because they participated in a transnational space, both geographical and symbolic, inherited from an era of great intracontinental migrations, then reactivated and reconfigured by the advent of sound and audiovisual media—discs, radio and cinema. By studying the history of the celebrity of Mary “La Bolduc” Travers, Rudy Vallée and Jean Grimaldi, this thesis attempts to access to the various layers of this phenomenon at the crossroads of cultural history, media history and migration history. Their intricate narratives therefore reveal the modality of mobility involved inside—and often times outside—of the French Canadian “imagined community.” By analyzing the heritagization process of these artists, it is possible to isolate some of the causes the oblivion of this transnational episode of francophone culture in North America, such as the rejection of mobility in the formation of national and ethnic identity narratives; the historical marginalization of popular arts; and the mistrust of the United States among cultural and political elites around the world at the time.

This thesis takes a comparative approach in examining the reactions of residents of three seventeenth-century Christian missions: Natick in New England, Kahnawake in New France, and Ohkay Owingeh, New Mexico in New Spain, to religious colonialism. Particular attention is paid to their religious beliefs and participation in colonial warfare. This thesis argues that missions in New England, New France, and New Mexico were spaces of Indigenous culture and autonomy, not due to differing colonial practices of colonizing empires, but due to the actions, beliefs, and worldviews of Indigenous residents of missions. Indigenous peoples, no matter which European powers they interacted with, reacted to Christian worldviews that permeated all aspects of European colonial cultures.

This paper focuses on the Secret Six who consisted of Theodore Parker, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Franklin Benjamin Sanborn, Samuel Gridley Howe, George Luther Stearns, and Gerrit Smith, and the concepts that these men believed in regarding the type of society they wanted established in the United States. The dominant theme in the minds of this Secret Six was the romantic belief in the free individual. The belief in the free individual living in a free, progressive society held out the promise that America could become a perfect community of autonomous individuals and an example for all the world. But the Secret Six realized that for America to be this perfect community of autonomous individuals, America had to be freed of any determinism in its institutions. These six crusaders had such faith in their theories of individualism, that they abandoned moral persuasion and accepted violence as the principal means of establishing their society. These men believed that only the type of an individual who was willing to use violence if necessary and to die for the dictates of his conscience, could reform America into a community that exemplified to the world a belief in the free individual.

Aux lendemains de la Guerre de Sécession, le petit centre manufacturier de Warren, dans l’État du Rhode Island, attira plusieurs immigrants canadiens-français en quête de travail. Ces derniers s’organiseront rapidement en établissant un réseau paroissial, en fondant plusieurs sociétés mutuelles et en multipliant les commerces prêts à desservir une clientèle francophone de plus en plus nombreuse. Les premiers stades de développement de la communauté (1888-1895) avaient déjà été observés par Jean Lamarre dans le cadre de son mémoire de maîtrise (1985). D’une part, le chercheur avait remarqué un phénomène graduel d’enracinement des paroissiens et, d’autre part, l’analyse de leur profil socio-économique indiquait qu’ils travaillaient majoritairement à la filature. Par cette étude, nous avons voulu revisiter cette communauté au moment où sa présence dans le paysage industriel et urbain de Warren apparaît consolidée. Grâce aux listes nominatives du recensement fédéral de 1910 et aux publications gouvernementales parues à la même époque, nous évaluons l’ampleur des changements socio-économiques transformant la communauté en l’espace d’une quinzaine d’années. L’observation du processus d’intégration des Canadiens français à l’environnement industriel est complétée par une analyse de l’apport des femmes et des enfants au ménage ouvrier. Les conclusions principales de cette étude démontrent que malgré l’attrait indéniable que représente encore et toujours le secteur manufacturier auprès de nombreux travailleurs, les Canadiens français jouissent en 1910 d’une qualité de vie généralement supérieure à celle qui caractérisait leurs débuts au sein de la localité. Leur situation socio-économique s’apparentera d’ailleurs davantage à celle des anglophones de Warren, Yankees et Irlandais, que de celle des représentants de la « nouvelle vague d’immigration » (Polonais, Italiens et Portugais). / In the aftermath of the Civil War, the small manufacturing center of Warren, Rhode Island, attracted many French Canadians immigrants in search of work and economic betterment. They rapidly organized themselves by establishing a parish network, by founding several mutual aid societies and by multiplying shops that were ready to welcome more and more customers. The early stages of development of the community (1888-1895) have already been observed by Jean Lamarre in his Master’s thesis (1895). On one hand, the researcher noticed a gradual process of settlement occurring among the parishioners and, on the other hand, the analysis of their socio-economic profile indicated that most of them worked in the cotton mills. By this study, we wanted to revisit this community when its presence in Warren’s industrial and urban area seemed consolidated. Through a systematic use of the unpublished nominative lists from the 1910 Federal Census of the United States as well as published government documents, this thesis assesses the extent of socio-economic changes that have transformed the community over the course of fifteen years. The observation of the integration process of French Canadian into the industrial environment is supplemented by an analysis of women and children’s contribution into the household economy. The main conclusions of this study show that despite the fact that a significant proportion of workers are still employed in the manufacturing sector, the French Canadian population of Warren mainly enjoys a better quality of life in 1910 than in the earlier era. Their socio-economic situation places them closer to their Yankees and Irish neighbours than to their “new immigration” counterparts (Poles, Italians, Portuguese).

This dissertation studies the intersection of knowledge, culture, and power in contested coastal and estuarine space in eighteenth-century northeastern North America. It examines the interdependence of vernacular pilot knowledge and directed hydrographic survey, their integration into practices of warfare and governance, and roles in assimilating American space to metropolitan scientific and aesthetic discourses. It argues that the embodied skill and local knowledge of colonial and Aboriginal peoples served vital and underappreciated roles in Great Britain’s extension of overseas activity and interest, of maritime empire. It examines the maritimicity of empire: empire as adaptation to marine environments through which it conducted political influence and commercial endeavour. The materiality of maritime empire—its reliance on patterns of wind and current, on climate and weather, on local relations of sea to land, on proximity of spaces and resources to oceanic circuits—framed and delimited transnational flows of commerce and state power. This was especially so in coastal and riverine littoral spaces of northeastern North America. In this local Atlantic, pilot knowledge—and its systematization in marine cartography through hydrographic survey—adapted processes of empire to the materiality of the maritime, and especially to the littoral, environment. Eighteenth-century British state agents acting in northeastern North America—in Mi’kmaqi/Acadia/Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Labrador, Quebec, and New England—developed new means of adapting this knowledge to the tasks of maritime empire, creating potent tools with which to extend Britain’s imperial power and influence amphibiously in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. If the open Atlantic became a maritime highway in this period, traversed with increasing frequency and ease, inshore waters remained dangerous bypaths, subject to geographical and meteorological hazards that checked overseas commercial exchange and the military and administrative processes that constituted maritime empire. While patterns of oceanic circulation permitted extension of these activities globally in the early modern period, the complex interrelation of marine and terrestrial geography and climate in coastal and estuarine waters long set limits on maritime imperial activity. This dissertation examines the nature of these limits, and the means that eighteenth-century British commercial and imperial actors developed to overcome them.

Aux lendemains de la Guerre de Sécession, le petit centre manufacturier de Warren, dans l’État du Rhode Island, attira plusieurs immigrants canadiens-français en quête de travail. Ces derniers s’organiseront rapidement en établissant un réseau paroissial, en fondant plusieurs sociétés mutuelles et en multipliant les commerces prêts à desservir une clientèle francophone de plus en plus nombreuse. Les premiers stades de développement de la communauté (1888-1895) avaient déjà été observés par Jean Lamarre dans le cadre de son mémoire de maîtrise (1985). D’une part, le chercheur avait remarqué un phénomène graduel d’enracinement des paroissiens et, d’autre part, l’analyse de leur profil socio-économique indiquait qu’ils travaillaient majoritairement à la filature. Par cette étude, nous avons voulu revisiter cette communauté au moment où sa présence dans le paysage industriel et urbain de Warren apparaît consolidée. Grâce aux listes nominatives du recensement fédéral de 1910 et aux publications gouvernementales parues à la même époque, nous évaluons l’ampleur des changements socio-économiques transformant la communauté en l’espace d’une quinzaine d’années. L’observation du processus d’intégration des Canadiens français à l’environnement industriel est complétée par une analyse de l’apport des femmes et des enfants au ménage ouvrier. Les conclusions principales de cette étude démontrent que malgré l’attrait indéniable que représente encore et toujours le secteur manufacturier auprès de nombreux travailleurs, les Canadiens français jouissent en 1910 d’une qualité de vie généralement supérieure à celle qui caractérisait leurs débuts au sein de la localité. Leur situation socio-économique s’apparentera d’ailleurs davantage à celle des anglophones de Warren, Yankees et Irlandais, que de celle des représentants de la « nouvelle vague d’immigration » (Polonais, Italiens et Portugais). / In the aftermath of the Civil War, the small manufacturing center of Warren, Rhode Island, attracted many French Canadians immigrants in search of work and economic betterment. They rapidly organized themselves by establishing a parish network, by founding several mutual aid societies and by multiplying shops that were ready to welcome more and more customers. The early stages of development of the community (1888-1895) have already been observed by Jean Lamarre in his Master’s thesis (1895). On one hand, the researcher noticed a gradual process of settlement occurring among the parishioners and, on the other hand, the analysis of their socio-economic profile indicated that most of them worked in the cotton mills. By this study, we wanted to revisit this community when its presence in Warren’s industrial and urban area seemed consolidated. Through a systematic use of the unpublished nominative lists from the 1910 Federal Census of the United States as well as published government documents, this thesis assesses the extent of socio-economic changes that have transformed the community over the course of fifteen years. The observation of the integration process of French Canadian into the industrial environment is supplemented by an analysis of women and children’s contribution into the household economy. The main conclusions of this study show that despite the fact that a significant proportion of workers are still employed in the manufacturing sector, the French Canadian population of Warren mainly enjoys a better quality of life in 1910 than in the earlier era. Their socio-economic situation places them closer to their Yankees and Irish neighbours than to their “new immigration” counterparts (Poles, Italians, Portuguese).