This thesis aims to explore the new concept of green populism and to explore if Extinction Rebellion can be seen as a new social movement. The concept of green populism is based on Cas Mudde’s ideational approach to populism and Dobson’s approach to green ideology. The theories will form a categorization of green populism to see if any of these elements are visible in Extinction Rebellion’s discourse. The combination of the two theories helps to define the elements or categories of green populism: Ecological Crisis of Cosmic Proportion, Victimizing “the People”, Identifying and/or blame the antagonist, Green Action, Scientific Evidencing, and Intergenerational Justice. The theories on new social movements is based on theories from scholars such as Alberto Melucci, Alain Touraine and Manuel Castells to help us understand what characterizes a new social movement. The four following characteristics of new social movements was highlighted: They focus on non-material issues, they tend to emphasize different protest tactics, they often have a horizontal organization, and they often use symbolic action. To answer the research questions in this thesis, a qualitative text analysis will be conducted. A qualitative text analysis focuses on certain selected aspects of the material which are determined by the aim and research questions. The qualitative text analysis is applied to the captions of eight selected Instagram-posts from Extinction Rebellion’s official account. The analysis leads to the conclusion that Extinction Rebellion can be seen as a new social movement, with a few exceptions regarding their focus on non-material issues. Another conclusion is that we were able to find elements of green populism in Extinction Rebellion’s discourse. The final conclusion is that green populism should be seen as a theoretical and analytical tool for analyzing communication rather than a label of environmental actors.

No description available.

This dissertation examines the dominant discourse of welfare dependency and its implications for lone mothers in Ontario, Canada. This hegemonic discourse has been instrumental in positioning lone mothers as deviant, pathologically flawed and ineffective citizens. Using a repeated survival analysis, I examine the spells of participants identifying the significant variables influencing social assistance exit rates. Social constructionism and critical feminism are the theoretical lenses underpinning the analysis. The quantitative study examines the current composition of the Ontario Works caseload, interrogates the legitimacy of the welfare dependency supposition, debunks numerous social constructions surrounding welfare receipt and highlights the barriers impeding participants. The study culminates with a new understanding to counter the welfare dependency paradigm, recognizing the overlooked provisioning work of women in the neoliberal post welfare state.

This dissertation examines the dominant discourse of welfare dependency and its implications for lone mothers in Ontario, Canada. This hegemonic discourse has been instrumental in positioning lone mothers as deviant, pathologically flawed and ineffective citizens. Using a repeated survival analysis, I examine the spells of participants identifying the significant variables influencing social assistance exit rates. Social constructionism and critical feminism are the theoretical lenses underpinning the analysis. The quantitative study examines the current composition of the Ontario Works caseload, interrogates the legitimacy of the welfare dependency supposition, debunks numerous social constructions surrounding welfare receipt and highlights the barriers impeding participants. The study culminates with a new understanding to counter the welfare dependency paradigm, recognizing the overlooked provisioning work of women in the neoliberal post welfare state.

The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals’ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e-democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement. The structure of the protests is analysed through the new social movement theory. Also, various approaches to engagement of people in the social movements are presentedl, including political marketing framework. The research was conducted in several main stages, using content analysis, survey and interviewing as main methods. The main conclusions of the study: relatively minor impact of social media in the engagement of people in the protest, a narrow section of the population as the audience of social media protesters (for them civil society mostly played a role of a customer need), and yet a significant potential of ICT in the future political life of the country.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O período entre 2009 e 2012 foi considerado um marco na história das pessoas com autismo no Brasil, devido à sanção da Lei Federal n 12.764, no dia 27 de dezembro de 2012, que reconheceu os autistas, para todos os efeitos legais, como pessoas com deficiência. A tomada da deficiência como instrumento político-identitário caracterizou, assim, novos rumos da luta por direitos. A partir da análise de diferentes estratégias de atuação política desenvolvidas por três grupos de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), este trabalho discorrerá acerca de suas principais demandas e alegações. A escolha destes três dispositivos associativos é justificada por suas respectivas coordenações, exclusivamente, atribuídas a pais e familiares de autistas, além do reconhecimento nacional de suas participações na formulação de projetos, leis e eventos relacionados ao espectro. Portanto, esta dissertação pretende responder às seguintes questões: a) quais processos e motivações permitem que uma questão privada (ter um filho autista) se transforme em uma questão pública? b) como se agrupam, quais são e a quem se dirigem suas reivindicações? c) quais expectativas, estratégias e tensões estão envolvidas no movimento dos movimentos sociais do autismo? Além de entrevistas com informantes qualificados, a metodologia de pesquisa envolveu observação participante em passeatas, audiências públicas, palestras e celebrações de datas comemorativas, como o Dia Mundial da Conscientização do Autismo. No entanto, a maior parte do trabalho etnográfico se concentrou no município de Volta Redonda, onde, há quinze anos, foi fundada a APADEM, caso paradigmático de atuação política de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Por meio da parceria entre sociedade civil e poder público, atualmente, Volta Redonda detém três legislações municipais direcionadas ao autismo e uma gama de serviços especializados. Por fim, ao apresentar como os três grupos de pais de autistas configuram a politização da experiência da deficiência, esta dissertação pretende contribuir academicamente com os campos dos novos movimentos sociais e dos estudos sobre deficiência, ambos de grande potencial heurístico, mas ainda pouco explorados no Brasil. / The period between 2009 and 2012 was considered a landmark in the history of autistic people in Brazil, due to the enactment of the Federal Law 12.764, on December 27, 2012, which recognized autistics, for all legal purposes, such as people with disabilities. The use of disability as a political and identity tools has defined new directions of "struggle for rights". From the analysis of different strategies of political action undertaken by three groups of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), this work will discuss about their main demands and claims. The choice of these three associative devices is justified by their respective coordinators exclusively attributed to parents and families of autistic, and also the national recognition of their participation in the formulation of projects, laws and events related to the spectrum. Therefore, this master thesis aims to answer the following questions: a) what processes and motivations allow a private matter (having an autistic child) become a public issue? b) how they group together, what are their claims and whom they are addressed? c) what expectations, strategies and tensions are involved in the "movement " of autism social movements? In addition to interviews with qualified informants, the research methodology involved participant observation in demonstrations, public hearings, lectures and commemorative dates, such as the World Autism Awareness Day. However, most of the ethnographic work was focused on the city of Volta Redonda, where fifteen years ago, was founded APADEM, paradigmatic case of political action of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro. Through the partnership between civil society and government, Volta Redonda currently holds three municipal laws directed to autism and a range of specialized services. Finally, when presenting how the three groups of parents of autistic configure the politicization of the experience of disability, this dissertation aims to contribute to the academic field of new social movements and disability studies, both of great heuristic potential, but still little explored in Brazil.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O período entre 2009 e 2012 foi considerado um marco na história das pessoas com autismo no Brasil, devido à sanção da Lei Federal n 12.764, no dia 27 de dezembro de 2012, que reconheceu os autistas, para todos os efeitos legais, como pessoas com deficiência. A tomada da deficiência como instrumento político-identitário caracterizou, assim, novos rumos da luta por direitos. A partir da análise de diferentes estratégias de atuação política desenvolvidas por três grupos de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), este trabalho discorrerá acerca de suas principais demandas e alegações. A escolha destes três dispositivos associativos é justificada por suas respectivas coordenações, exclusivamente, atribuídas a pais e familiares de autistas, além do reconhecimento nacional de suas participações na formulação de projetos, leis e eventos relacionados ao espectro. Portanto, esta dissertação pretende responder às seguintes questões: a) quais processos e motivações permitem que uma questão privada (ter um filho autista) se transforme em uma questão pública? b) como se agrupam, quais são e a quem se dirigem suas reivindicações? c) quais expectativas, estratégias e tensões estão envolvidas no movimento dos movimentos sociais do autismo? Além de entrevistas com informantes qualificados, a metodologia de pesquisa envolveu observação participante em passeatas, audiências públicas, palestras e celebrações de datas comemorativas, como o Dia Mundial da Conscientização do Autismo. No entanto, a maior parte do trabalho etnográfico se concentrou no município de Volta Redonda, onde, há quinze anos, foi fundada a APADEM, caso paradigmático de atuação política de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Por meio da parceria entre sociedade civil e poder público, atualmente, Volta Redonda detém três legislações municipais direcionadas ao autismo e uma gama de serviços especializados. Por fim, ao apresentar como os três grupos de pais de autistas configuram a politização da experiência da deficiência, esta dissertação pretende contribuir academicamente com os campos dos novos movimentos sociais e dos estudos sobre deficiência, ambos de grande potencial heurístico, mas ainda pouco explorados no Brasil. / The period between 2009 and 2012 was considered a landmark in the history of autistic people in Brazil, due to the enactment of the Federal Law 12.764, on December 27, 2012, which recognized autistics, for all legal purposes, such as people with disabilities. The use of disability as a political and identity tools has defined new directions of "struggle for rights". From the analysis of different strategies of political action undertaken by three groups of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), this work will discuss about their main demands and claims. The choice of these three associative devices is justified by their respective coordinators exclusively attributed to parents and families of autistic, and also the national recognition of their participation in the formulation of projects, laws and events related to the spectrum. Therefore, this master thesis aims to answer the following questions: a) what processes and motivations allow a private matter (having an autistic child) become a public issue? b) how they group together, what are their claims and whom they are addressed? c) what expectations, strategies and tensions are involved in the "movement " of autism social movements? In addition to interviews with qualified informants, the research methodology involved participant observation in demonstrations, public hearings, lectures and commemorative dates, such as the World Autism Awareness Day. However, most of the ethnographic work was focused on the city of Volta Redonda, where fifteen years ago, was founded APADEM, paradigmatic case of political action of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro. Through the partnership between civil society and government, Volta Redonda currently holds three municipal laws directed to autism and a range of specialized services. Finally, when presenting how the three groups of parents of autistic configure the politicization of the experience of disability, this dissertation aims to contribute to the academic field of new social movements and disability studies, both of great heuristic potential, but still little explored in Brazil.

No description available.

O objetivo da dissertação é caracterizar o processo de emergência do discurso dos Sem Universidade no Brasil. Para tanto, vale-se da observação da presença histórica dos discursos sobre as relações raciais no Brasil, como o embranquecimento, o mulatismo, a negritude, o indigenismo e o discurso dos povos indígenas no geral, e, em particular da percepção da reprodução, ocorrência, ecos, rumores desses respectivos discursos em um corpus específico, fruto de experiências de projetos de educação popular, realizados em cursinhos populares na periferia de São Paulo, no ano de 2003, com participantes egressos da escola pública e que não tiveram acesso às alterações de políticas educacionais relativas à incorporação transversal do ensino de história, cultura africana e dos povos indígenas na educação básica, obrigatórias apenas a partir de 2003 na letra da lei nacional. A pesquisa tem abordagem interdisciplinar e fundamentação teórica baseada nos estudos de análise de discurso, particularmente na categoria de interdiscurso. A metodologia vale-se da construção de um quadro de restrição semântica, da análise do corpus, do estabelecimento de relações com fontes semióticas complementares. Como resultado, o estudo indicou a presença do discurso de novíssimos sujeitos sociais, sua dimensão coletiva, sua imbricação institucional e a emergência do discurso do MSU, dos Sem Universidade, como indicia a luta comum por isenção de taxas dos vestibulares, por novas universidades públicas, pela criação de um sistema público de bolsas de estudos o PROUNI, por uma reforma universitária popular, pelo ENEM como critério de acesso à universidade, pela aprovação da Lei de Cotas no Brasil (lei 12.711/12), pela instalação das Conferências Nacionais de Educação e pelo Plano Nacional de Educação no Brasil. / The purpose of this work is to characterize the process of the discourse emerging from the Without University in Brazil. For that, it is worth-watching the historic presence of the speeches about race relations in Brazil, such as the discourse of whitening, mulatism, negritude, indianism, and the discourse of the brazilian native people, in general. Particularly, it matters the perception of the reproduction of these discourses, as well as its occurrences, echoes, rumors in a specific corpus. The corpus of this academic work was obtained from popular educational projects (preparatory courses to enter the university level) accomplished on the outskirts of São Paulo, in 2003, with students that came from the brazilian public educational system. As the teaching of African and brazilian native history and culture was introduced in basic education only from 2003, by the approval of a national law, the corpus analyzed has no influence of it. The research has an interdisciplinary approach but the theoretical framework is based on the study of discourse analysis with emphasis on interdiscourse. The methodology is based on a construction of one framework semantic constraints, the analysis of the corpus and in to see the relationships with complementary relevant semiotic sources.

Submitted by William Justo Figueiro (williamjf) on 2015-07-02T23:32:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 18.pdf: 20859376 bytes, checksum: 14c99ec5b2c55c4c74792952564af39d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-02T23:32:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 18.pdf: 20859376 bytes, checksum: 14c99ec5b2c55c4c74792952564af39d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Nenhuma / A presente pesquisa investiga a influência da Teologia da Libertação e das experiências vividas nas Comunidades Eclesiais de Base por conhecidos atores sociais da Zona Norte de São Leopoldo, entre eles, o Pe. Orestes Stragliotto, fonte principal da pesquisa em razão dos escritos deixados por ele e de entrevistas com alguns atores envolvidos nas mobilizações, os quais permeiam a análise acerca dos objetivos e hipóteses levantadas. Poucos discordam de que a Teologia da Libertação teve importância significativa dentro – e fora – da estrutura católica na história recente do Brasil. No entanto, estudos de casos de ações efetivas resultantes das práticas teológicas da libertação não são encontrados em profusão na Ciência Sociais. Esta pesquisa apresenta alguns resultados práticos de um estudo de caso da Teologia da Libertação a partir da práxis social do Pe. Orestes João Stragliotto e de atores sociais envolvidos pelo método sugerido pela Teologia da Libertação, qual seja, Ver, Julgar e Agir. Como resultado, vê-se que esta prática social resultou na formação de Movimentos Sociais e mobilizações populares na Zona Norte de São Leopoldo. Percebe-se que ela se deu nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 nas Comunidades Eclesiais de Base da Paróquia Santo Inácio, que influenciaram no modo de compreender a relação entre Igreja, política e vida, uma vez que estas práticas transformaram a realidade local e a vivacidade destes atores na institucionalidade política da cidade. / This thesis seeks to investigate the influence of Theology of Liberation and experiences of life that took place in some Basic Ecclesial Communities by social actors in the northern region of Sao Leopoldo city, including Fr Orestes Joao Stragliotto, who is our major source for the research conducted due to his writings and interviews from some social actors that participated in social mobilizations. These writings and interviews permeate our analysis around our objectives and hypothesis raised. Few people would disagree that Theology of Liberation has been important in – and outside – the Catholic structure in the recent history of Brazil. However, we do not find many case studies in the Social Sciences regarding effective actions as results from theological liberation practices. This research presents some practical results of a case study of Theology of Liberation from the social praxis of Fr Orestes Joao Stragliotto and of social actors by means of the method suggested in this theology, that is, See, Judge and Act. As a result, we see that the social practice has resulted the formation of social movements and popular mobilizations in the northern region of Sao Leopoldo. We also see that this practice took place in the 1980s and 1990s in the Parish Santo Inacio’s Basic Ecclesial Communities, which has affected the way people understood the relationship between the church, politics and life, once these practices have changed the local reality of the social actor and their vividness in the political institutionality.