In 1991, Colombia crafted a new Constitution that, after decades of ignorance, recognized the existence of ethnic minorities within the country. Special rights were given to the indigenous population while disregarding the even larger minority, afro-descendants. This thesis aims to identify how indigenous peoples and afro-descendants in Colombia are framed, with the argument that the use and effect of certain frames affect the groups’ mobilisation success. Material produced by the groups themselves as well as other actors within the context is analysed to identify frames, which are then put into the social and historical context of the groups to discuss how and why the specific frames are used. In the result, it was evident that the ethnicities are framed in similar ways, but due to their historical and social contexts, the frames have distinct effects, which can explain the groups’ unequal level of political representation in the country.

The presence of atheists within the Muslim world has begun to receive global attention after a number of cases in which atheist bloggers and writers in majority Muslim countries were killed for criticising Islam. The rise in number of Arab atheist Facebook groups has sparked conversation about the rise in number of atheists across the Arab world, and to what extent the use of social media platforms has facilitated this. This study examines 2 such Facebook groups and aims to explore the way in which social media platforms can be used to bring a geographically diverse group of people together to form a collective group identity, and to provoke societal change. The research was conducted using qualitative data, gathered using open ended interview and survey questions, alongside quantitative data which was gathered from closed survey questions and raw survey data in an attempt to understand how communication technology is used by these groups to form a collective identity among their members and to achieve shared objectives. The study lies within the frame of new social movement theory, with particular focus on the ever evolving role which online communications can play in developing aspects of a given society.The results showed that social media had given members from both groups the ability to share experiences, develop a collective identity, and utilise their new found visibility to provide the voices of atheists in the Arab world with an authority which they had been lacking. The study found that the freedom for atheists to unite online in large number was exposing closeted atheists as well as practising Muslims to opinions which would not have been as vocalised in the real world. The freedom for both parties to involve themselves in the group has reflected some of the difficulties faced in the real world, but has importantly opened up a dialogue and is working toward the acceptance of atheism within majority Muslim societies.

Submitted by Barbara Cavalcanti de Albuquerque Rust (barbaradealbuquerque@gmail.com ) on 2015-01-18T20:01:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2015-01-19T12:42:05Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2015-01-30T12:29:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-30T12:30:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_BarbaraRust_20150106.pdf: 1271095 bytes, checksum: 4ba6fe396a3128bf28b4022c9a08adca (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-04 / In the past few years, the World witnessed several protests taking place in countries ranging from traditionally developed democracies to developing nations under dictatorships. These social movements gained ground simultaneously to a global explosion in Information and Communication Technology (ICT) over these years, notably mobile phones and the Internet (ITU, 2013; CETIC, 2013), facilitating information diffusion and bypassing traditional media. While some studies argue that different nations contexts are the true responsible for protests, others consider both the context and ICT access as relevant. The research purpose is to identify explanatory variables for protest through a panel data approach, considering its technological, social and political aspects. For this goal, World Bank, ITU and World Economic Forum data were used on a sample of 124 countries. The research results points to the proportion of Internet users as positively influencing protest occurrence, and developed countries most prone to them / Nos últimos anos, o mundo vem assistindo a um maior número de mobilizações sociais, que ocorrem em todo o espectro de regimes de governo e níveis de desenvolvimento econômico: de países tradicionalmente democráticos e desenvolvidos, a países em desenvolvimento sob regimes autoritários. Tais mobilizações vêm ocorrendo simultaneamente a uma expansão acelerada das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação (TIC), mais notadamente o avanço da Internet e dos telefones celulares (ITU, 2014; CETIC, 2013), tornando mais rápido e fácil o acesso e difusão de informações sem o intermédio dos meios de comunicação de massa tradicionais; há os que defendem que o contexto de cada nação é o grande responsável por tais manifestações, enquanto outros citam a importância tanto das TIC quanto dos fatores contextuais como influenciadores. O objetivo desta pesquisa é identificar as variáveis explicativas da ocorrência de protestos, considerando aspectos tecnológicos, sociais e políticos, por meio da construção de modelos utilizando dados em painel. Para tal são utilizados dados do Banco Mundial, Fórum Econômico Mundial e ITU, desenvolvendo uma amostra de 124 países. O resultado desta análise revela que o percentual de usuários de Internet influencia positivamente a ocorrência de protestos e que países desenvolvidos possuem maior a chance de apresentarem manifestações.

This work aims at analyzing the matter of the deaf community social inclusion/exclusion in relation to hearing people, besides analyzing their spacialization/territorialization in Santa Maria city/RS. In the same way, it tries to identify the places most visited by deaf people in this city; identify the main problems in the relation the deaf community x the hearing people community ; the school role while responsible for a social inclusion and the deaf focalized according to social movements and/or new social movements. The methodology used was the Case Study, consisting in a qualitative research, utilizing sources such as: bibliographies, observations and interviews. Considering this study, it was possible to verify that there are few places visited by the deaf in Santa Maria city. Some of these places are the School for the Deaf in Santa Maria city/RS, the Deaf Association, the City Athletic Center, and one of the Shopping Malls in the city. It was also verified that the deaf social inclusion in the geographical area of Santa Maria city/RS is a slow process in continuous construction, mainly through the Brazilian Sign Language (LIBRAS) diffusion to the hearing community. In relation to the School, the researchers are against the simple deaf people insertion into hearing people classes, defending a proper school for the deaf, because they believe it is really a social inclusion. It was verified that the deaf constitute a new social movement, justified by the historical fights of deaf movements and supporters in their rights conquest. Based on these results, this study made possible a reflection upon the importance of the deaf mobility in the geographical area and also their participation in the general community while different subjects and with the right of having specific language and culture, independently on being the majority or minority in relation to the population numerical data. / Esse trabalho visa analisar a questão da inclusão/ exclusão social da comunidade surda em relação às sociedades ouvintes e sua espacialização/ territorialização na cidade de Santa Maria/ RS. Busca ainda, identificar os locais da cidade mais freqüentados pelos surdos; diagnosticar os principais problemas, na relação comunidade surda x comunidade ouvinte ; o papel da escola enquanto veículo de inclusão social e os surdos focalizados sob a ótica dos movimentos sociais e/ ou novos movimentos sociais. A metodologia utilizada foi o Estudo de Caso, evidenciando o tipo de pesquisa qualitativa, utilizando-se fontes como: bibliografias, observações e entrevistas. A partir daí, foi possível verificar que os locais mais freqüentados pelos surdos na cidade de Santa Maria/ RS são escassos. Constituem esses poucos locais destacados, a Escola de surdos existente na cidade, a Associação de Surdos de Santa Maria/ RS, o Centro Desportivo Municipal e um dos shoppings centers da cidade. Constatou-se também, diante das respostas dos entrevistados que a inclusão social dos surdos no espaço geográfico da cidade de Santa Maria/ RS, é um processo lento e em constante construção, principalmente, através da difusão da Língua de Sinais (LIBRAS) para a comunidade ouvinte. Quanto à Escola, os pesquisados, mostraram-se contrários a simples inserção dos surdos em classes ouvintes, defendendo a escola própria para surdos, pois acreditam, que esta sim é veículo de inclusão social. Verificou-se que os surdos configuram-se como um novo movimento social, justificado pelo histórico de lutas do movimento surdo e apoiadores, na conquista de seus direitos. Com base nesses resultados, a realização desse estudo permitiu uma reflexão pautada na importância da mobilidade dos surdos no espaço geográfico e sua participação na comunidade em geral, enquanto sujeitos diferentes e com direito a ter língua e cultura próprias, independente de ser maioria ou minoria em relação aos dados numéricos de população.

Le présent travail étudie le mouvement écologique en Bulgarie (1987-2014) comme un représentant typique et spécifique des nouveaux mouvements sociaux. Il s'agit de questionner en particulier les rapports qui lient l'écologie, la politique et l'engagement. L'évolution du mouvement est observée dans sa continuité historique, au niveau macro (dans sa relation avec les enjeux politiques majeurs de notre temps), au niveau méso (dans son contexte structurel et culturel) et au niveau micro (celui de l’individu engagé). L'approche générale est interdisciplinaire, elle réunit histoire politique, anthropologie, sociologie, philosophie et psychologie. L'analyse fait combiner méthodes qualitatives et comparatives et quantitatives. Le mouvement écologique en Bulgarie est un acteur sociopolitique d'un nouveau type qui a ancrage profond et une dimension éthique et politique. En tant que mouvement contestataire et trans-partisan véhiculant une “politique citoyenne” authentique opposée à “la politique politicienne” du statu quo, il fait promouvoir une culture civique participative; la personnalité humaine y joue un rôle fondamental. Il apparaît également comme un des facteur de la démocratisation de fait de la vie politique du pays après la chute du régime totalitaire. Le mouvement se construit en espace de dépassement de la politique héritée du siècle passé annonçant la nécessité d'une nouvelle «politique planétaire», fondée sur de nouvelles synthèses de valeurs et de pratiques. Par ailleurs, il reflète une attitude particulière envers la nature liée aux spécificités de la culture nationale. / This study examines the Green Movement in Bulgaria (1987-2014) as a typical and specific example of the New Social Movements. It focuses on the interconnection between environmentalism, politics and participation. We present the movement along with its evolution and analyse it on three levels: macro (through its relation to the most important contemporary issues, phenomena and processes); meso (in the national context during the past three generations); and micro (through the prism of individuals and their experience). Our general approach is interdisciplinary, combining qualitative, comparative and quantitative methods. Bulgaria’s green movement is a citizen and political movement of a new type. In the context of the New Social Movements, it is an actor of challenging the status quo; a moral corrective of the power, which implements a genuine ‘citizen environmental politics.’ Secondly, it introduces and fosters New Culture and New Politics based on a novel set of values, practices and behavioural models: one where the individual is essential. Thirdly, it is one of the pillars of Bulgarian civil society, a key factor in democratizing the socio-political life. Last but not least, it is a vehicle of an Eco-humanism originating in the specific environment that gave birth to the citizens’ movements in Eastern Europe under the totalitarian regimes and during the Democratic Transition. It also embodies a specific national attitude towards nature, traditionally stemming from peculiarities of Bulgarian culture.

La contestation antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur marqua le début des mouvements antinucléaires en France et en Allemagne. Tandis que le mouvement en Allemagne trouva bientôt un large soutien dans la société puis dans la sphère politique, le mouvement ne parvint pas à s’imposer en France. En outre, les origines du mouvement en Alsace sont presque tombées dans l’oubli. Ma thèse propose de retracer le développement du mouvement antinucléaire au Rhin supérieur. A partir d’une histoire croisée1, il s’agit d’analyser la coopération des groupes antinucléaires badois et alsaciens dans leur lutte contre l’industrialisation de la vallée du Rhin et contre la construction des centrales nucléaires le long du Rhin dans les années 1970 et 1980. Sur la base d'une analyse de la structure et des activités des initiatives des citoyens, elle examine la confrontation des militants antinucléaires avec les responsables politiques dans les deux pays, leur présence dans l’espace public, par exemple dans la presse régionale, les aspects culturels du mouvement antinucléaire ainsi que la création d'un espace public oppositionnel. Partant d’une analyse au niveau régional, j’aimais également faire des déductions sur l’évolution du mouvement antinucléaires au niveau national des deux pays. / Protests against nuclear power plants in the upper Rhine region in the early 1970s marked the beginning of the anti-nuclear movements in France and Western Germany. On both sides of the Rhine, citizens founded action groups to fight against the construction of nuclear power plants in Fessenheim and Wyhl and against the industrialization of the region in general. By using new forms of protest such as the peaceful occupation of construction sites, the activists had critical impact on the culture of civil protest and the evolution of the new social movements in France and especially in Western Germany. By way of a histoire croisée, this doctoral thesis takes a close look on how German and French citizens’ initiatives cooperated and which forms of protest they chose to draw the attention of the people and the governments to their cause. Various action groups from Baden and Alsace formed the “Badisch-Elsässischen Bürgerinitiativen, joining their forces to articulate their dissent towards decisions taken by the governments and the energy providers. Furthermore, the interaction and spill-over-effects between the anti-nuclear activists in the “Dreyeckland”, an imaginary region brought to life by German, French and Swiss anti-nuclear activists are examined. By stressing common cultural roots such as local dialect and the regional history, the anti-nuclear activists in the upper Rhine region tried to distinguish themselves from the authorities in Paris and Stuttgart. Finally, based on a regional study, it is analyzed which influence the citizens’ initiatives had on the anti-nuclear movements in Germany and France in general.

Der umfangreiche Forschungsstand zum Thema Parteien weist in verschiedenen Bereichen Unklarheiten auf. So wird beispielsweise ein Zusammenhang zwischen dem Mitgliederrückgang der deutschen Parteien, gesellschaftlichen Modernisierungsprozessen und einem Funktionserfüllungsdefizit, speziell im Bereich der Vermittlungsleistung der Parteien, angenommen. Unklar hierbei sind u.a. folgende Punkte: (1) was genau unter dem Prozess der Mediation zu verstehen ist, (2) welche Modernisierungsprozesse beteiligt sind und (3) ob und wenn ja, wie sich er Mitgliederrückgang auswirkt. In der Summe führen diese ungeklärten Fragen dazu, dass letztlich auch keine verbindlichen Aussagen zum antizipierten Mediationsdefizit getroffen werden können. Explizit aus einem soziologischen Fokus heraus gibt diese Arbeiten systematisch Antworten. Im ersten Kapitel wird geklärt, was unter einer Partei im soziologischen Sinne zu verstehen ist und was die Mediationsfunktion der Partei konkret ausmacht. Im zweiten Kapitel rücken die Parteien und deren Mitglieder in den Mittelpunkt. Es geht um die Frage, welche Aufgaben von dieser Seite erfüllt werden müssen, damit die Vermittlung reibungslos stattfinden kann, d.h. im Umkehrschluss wo sich gegebenenfalls Defizite verorten lassen. Neben allgemeinen Merkmalen von Mitgliederparteien, rücken hier auch sozialstrukturelle Merkmale der Parteimitglieder sowie erste Modernisierungsprozesse in den Vordergrund. Im dritten Kapitel wird die Problematik von der anderen Seite, der Gesellschaftsseite, angegangen. Auch hier wir danach gefragt, welche konkreten Schritte für die Umsetzung der Mediationsfunktion realisiert werden müssen. Zudem werden weitere Modernisierungsprozesse betrachtet. Es wird sich im Abschlusskapitel zeigen, dass die Vermittlungsfunktion der Parteien zu keinem Zeitpunkt fehlerfrei realisiert werden konnte, sich die Problematik seit den 1980er Jahren verstärkt hat was heute dazu führt, dass unkonventionelle Gruppen und Institutionen, z.B. neue soziale Bewegungen oder NGO´s, immer stärker in den politischen Vermittlungsprozess einbezogen werden (müssen). / The extensive research on the subject parties shows ambiguities in various areas. For example a correlation between the decline in membership of the German parties, social modernization processes and functional performance deficit, special in the mediation of political parties, is assumed. Unclear in this context are inter alia the following points: (1) what exactly is meant by the process of mediation, (2) which modernization processes are involved, and (3) whether, and if so, how it affects members of decline. In sum these unresolved issues cause ultimately no binding statements can be made to the anticipated deficit mediation. Explicitly from a sociological focus publishes this work systematically answers. In the first chapter will clarify what is meant by a party in a sociological sense and what constitutes the mediation function of the party concrete. In the second chapter the parties and their members in focus. It is about the question of which tasks must be performed by this page so that the mediation can take place smoothly, a contrario where optionally can locate deficits. In addition to general characteristics of member parties socially structural features of party members and first modernization processes move in the foreground. In the third chapter the problem from the other side, the company side, addressed. Again we asked what concrete steps for the implementation of the mediation function must be implemented. In addition, further modernization processes are considered. It will show in the final chapter that the mediation function of the parties could be realized without errors at any time, the problem has intensified since the 1980s, which leads today that unconventional groups and institutions, for example new social movements and NGOs, are becoming more involved in the political process of mediation (have to).

Twentieth century modernity has provoked multiple problems ranging from environmental degradation to human rights violations. Globally, diverse communities of people have organized to promote, not just reactive reforms, but a fundamental alteration of the foundational worldview underlying these issues. Radical activists committed their work to promoting an alternative ethos based on egalitarian, democratic, and ecologically-wise concepts. An array of methodologies emerged from these endeavors. More radical political groups focused on cultural tools to engage people in the construction of an alternative worldview. Radical activists utilized two forms of cultural politics: prefigurative politics, the physical presentation of an envisioned future and direct theory, the constant interaction between theory and practice. Within the artistic community, Ecological Artists centered their practice on cultural activism, creating publicly accessible, site-specific collaborative pieces that illuminate and utilize ecosystem principles to promote an eco-wise worldview. The concept of utilizing cultural production as a method for achieving social transformation has only recently been analyzed within the social movement discipline. Artists rarely utilize social movement vocabulary, or the term "activism" to describe their practices. To date, no correlation between artistic production and social movement strategies has been made. I argue in this thesis that Ecological Artists are cultural activists who simultaneously developed strategies and methods similar to those being worked out by radical social movement activists. While prefigurative politics and direct theory are terms defined within social movement discipline, the cultural activities are similar. Political activists' internal organization and external political work, prefigurative of an envisioned future and the result of constant interaction between theory and practice, correlates to the necessary collaborative organizations of Eco-Art and the physical presence of the work, a manifestation of the constant interaction between ecosystem theory and artistic practice. In this thesis I analyze the work of Ecological Artist Ruth Wallen as a form of cultural activism. I argue that the intention, execution, and content of her work are forms of prefigurative politics and direct theory. Ruth Wallen has been practicing Eco-Art for twenty years. Her work is focused on the heart of Eco-Art, its intention to produce an eco-wise future through artistic practice.

This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.

El marco político español de la década de 1960 hubo de adaptarse a los nuevos valores y actitudes sociales que cambiaban más allá del contexto jurídico. La Ley de Asociaciones de 1964 creó un espacio legal, con las restricciones propias del franquismo, para una extraordinaria proliferación de viejas y nuevas formas de asociación. Una voluntad asociativa que generó espacios de sociabilidad, contribuyendo al mismo tiempo a la reconstrucción de la sociedad civil, sirviendo de base legal para la gestión de unos nuevos movimientos sociales que participaron en el proceso político de transición a la democracia en España.El estudio de las asociaciones civiles a lo largo del periodo comprendido entre 1964-1986, permite observar además la evolución de la sociedad española entre el franquismo y la consolidación democrática, con toda la serie de cambios que se producen en un país que en poco tiempo alcanzará las pautas globales del mundo occidental. / The political Spanish framework of the decade of 1960 had to adapt to the new values and social attitudes that were changing faster than the juridical context. The law of associations of 1964 created a legal space, with the own restrictions of the Franco's regime, for an extraordinary proliferation of old and new forms of association. An associative will that generated spaces of sociability, contributing at the same time to the reconstruction of the civil society, using as legal base for the management of new social movements that took part in the political process of the Spanish transition to democracy. The study of the civil associations along the period among 1964-1986 shows in addition the evolution of the Spanish society between the Franco's regime and the democratic consolidation, with the whole series of changes that are produced in a country that in a little time will reach the global guidelines of the Western World.