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Ce mémoire compare la couverture médiatique de la résistance et de la collaboration en Europe occupée réalisée par le Chicago Tribune et le New York Times lors de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Notre analyse s’inscrit dans une période voyant une métamorphose profonde du rôle des États-Unis sur la scène internationale; l’isolationnisme traditionnel étant écarté au moment de l’intervention militaire américaine dans le conflit en décembre 1941 et abandonné, au terme de la guerre, avec le rôle clé du pays dans la fondation d’une nouvelle organisation internationale. Les deux quotidiens retenus pour cette étude, en plus de se démarquer par leur importance nationale, présentent des perspectives opposées au sujet de cet enjeu majeur. Le Chicago Tribune, proche idéologiquement du parti républicain et critique acharné du président Roosevelt, est catégoriquement opposé à la participation des États-Unis au conflit avant l’attaque sur Pearl Harbor et milite pour un retour à l’isolationnisme traditionnel une fois la victoire acquise. De son côté, le New York Times, appuyant généralement le parti démocrate et les politiques de Roosevelt, apparaît en faveur d’une neutralité orientée dès le début du conflit et présente la fondation d’une nouvelle organisation internationale comme un objectif de guerre essentiel. Dans le contexte particulier de l’activité de la presse en temps de guerre, la censure et le patriotisme limitant les critiques au sujet de la position officielle du gouvernement, les relations du gouvernement américain avec les mouvements de résistance et les collaborateurs représentent des éléments notables sur lesquels les quotidiens étudiés présentent des perspectives souvent opposées. Notre mémoire montre donc en quoi les positions très différentes du Chicago Tribune et du New York Times au sujet de la participation américaine au conflit et, surtout, du rôle des États-Unis dans le monde ont influencé leur couverture médiatique des résistants et des collaborateurs en Europe occupée. / This thesis compare and contrast the Chicago Tribune’s and New York Times’ coverage of resistance and collaboration in German-occupied Europe during World War II. Our study concerns a period which saw a profound transformation of the United States’ role on the international scene. Indeed, the United States’ military intervention in the conflict in December 1941 and, especially, its key role in establishing a new intergovernmental organisation marked the end of American isolationism. Both selected newspaper, besides their national readership, present opposite perspectives about this important debate. The Chicago Tribune, ideologically close to the Republican Party and unrelenting critic of president Roosevelt, is adamantly opposed to American involvement in the war until the attack on Pearl Harbor and advocate for a return to isolationism after victory. For its part, the New York Times, generally supportive of the Democratic Party and of Roosevelt’s policies, is in favor of helping the Allies from the start of the conflict and presents the establishment of a new intergovernmental organisation as a crucial war aim. In the specific context of journalism in wartime, when censorship and patriotism minimize criticisms of the government’s official position, the American government’s relationships with resistance movements and collaborators are significant subjects about which the studied newspapers often present contrasting point of views. Our thesis present how the Chicago Tribune’s and New York Times’ very different stances about American involvement in World War II and, especially, the United States’ role in the world influenced their coverage of resistance and collaboration in German-occupied Europe.

Cette thèse étudie la représentation de l’accueil et de la réinsertion des vétérans du Viêt-nam dans deux quotidiens américains de qualité, le New York Times et le Washington Post, de 1966 à 1978. La comparaison entre les deux journaux est complétée par les analyses de deux hebdomadaires, The Nation et Newsweek, et d’un bimensuel, la National Review, qui balayent toute la gamme des points de vue sur le sujet. Deux périodes peuvent être distinguées : de 1966 à 1970, la réintégration des anciens combattants semble être facile, selon les publications. De 1971 à 1978, la couverture médiatique s’intensifie dans un premier temps, du fait des difficultés de réinsertion que les Vietvets rencontrent et osent enfin exprimer avec force ; la presse paraît ensuite se désintéresser progressivement d’eux. L’évolution, dans les journaux, de la représentation des vétérans et de leur réinsertion reflète l’évolution de la société et de l’économie américaines. Si les deux quotidiens s’adressent, a priori, à des lectorats voisins, les réalités qu’ils choisissent de montrer, en les déformant suivant leur biais idéologique, divergent souvent. Il s’agit également de voir dans quelle mesure leurs représentations ont pu aider la réinsertion des anciens combattants ou, au contraire, la rendre plus délicate. / This thesis studies the reception and the reintegration in society of Vietnam war veterans as they are represented in two American dailies, The New York Times and The Washington Post. To this comparison between the two newspapers are added the analyses of two weeklies, The Nation and Newsweek, and a bimonthly, National Review, which provide a complete range of the various point of views on the subject. Two periods stand out: from 1966 to 1970, the reintegration of the former soldiers seemed to be easy, according to the newspapers. From 1971 to 1978, the coverage by the media first intensified owing to the difficulties of reintegration that the Vietvets faced and dared to voice loudly for the first time; the press then appeared to progressively lose interest in them. The evolution, in the newpapers, of the representation of the veterans and of their reintegration mirrored the evolution of American society and economy. If both dailies a priori addressed the same kind of readers, the reality that they chose to present and distort through their ideological bias often differed. The thesis also tries to show how their representations may have helped or hindered the reintegration of Vietvets in society.

Sverige anses vara en av världens mest avancerade IT-nationer, där användningen av IT ökar inom både den offentliga och privata sektorn. Företag inom IT branschen expanderar i en starkt föränderlig bransch. En rad olika faktorer har varit grunden till Sveriges position som IT-nation, bland annat en ingenjörs- och innovationstradition över en lång tid, även faktorer som den utbreda användningen av IT i samhället och en snabbhet att implementera nya innovationer. IT-branschen i Sverige utgör 4 % av de sysselsatta i Sverige där omsättning, såväl som antalet anställda, faktiskt ökat även under konjunktursvackor. Syftet med studien är att undersöka om svenska nyhetsmedier i större utsträckning publicerat nyheter om Apple än om deras konkurrenter på smartphone marknaden. For att lättare kunna genomföra studien ska dessa frågeställningar besvaras: Hur har Apple lyckats bygga upp en hajp kring sitt varumärke i Sverige? Har Apple exponerats mer i svenska nyhetsmedier än konkurrenterna på smartphone marknaden? På vilket sätt påverkar svensk nyhetsmedia bilden av Apple? De teorier som används i studien är innovationsteorin, dagordningsteorin samt konsumentbeteendeteorin. Inledningsvis sker en fallstudie där det via sökmotorn på DN och SvD nätupplagor har summerats ihop antalet ordträffar på utvalda ord. Baserat på resultaten av ordanalys utvecklas en semistrukturerad telefonintervju som genomförs med DN. Parallellt sker en semistrukturerad intervju med en anställd på en reklambyrå inriktat mot hur specifikt Apple har gått tillväga för att skapa hajp. Utifrån vår undersökning och analys kom vi fram till att svenska nyhetsmedier inte styrs av bakomliggande faktorer när de offentliggör nyheter om företag. Publiceringar sker baserat på deras uppfattning om hur det allmänintresset ser ut hos läsarna. Apple är väldigt selektiva med att släppa ut information gällande företaget och runt deras produkter, detta resulterar i ett intresse från pressen att först publicera information från Apple, motiverat utifrån ett allmänintresse i samhället.

The study of political communication is an old and diverse field, and the media has been proven to have an effect on their readers. The narratives that they create in their reporting can be as damning as they can be auspicious. Therefore, the study of media and how they frame certain events is as important as it has ever been. The democratic primaries in 2016 were certainly an interesting event. Hillary Clinton, the apparent nominee of the party, faced off against Bernie Sanders, who, in America, is something as unusual as a democratic socialist. How were these two polar opposites framed? To find out, a framing analysis was made on New York Times and Washington Post, two of the largest newspapers in the US. The analysis was built around four “events” that were deemed important in the election. 195 articles were analyzed. The methods that were used were both quantitative and qualitative, and the theories of framing (how the media depicts the election) and agenda-setting (what the media deems to be important) were applied. The results showed that the two newspapers did not differentiate all that much from each other, except for a few percent in certain aspects. All in all, the narrative was obvious. Clinton was the candidate that would go on to win the nomination. She was also the most suitable candidate. Bernie Sanders, on the other hand, was framed as the loser and as unsuitable. Though he was consistently framed as having more integrity than his opponent. Clinton was also the candidate that had the biggest focus on her. This was true for all of the events, and in both newspapers. The implications of the study are twofold. First, Sanders was consistently painted in a negative light, which created an undesirable narrative and gave him negative momentum. Secondly, the virtual duplication of the narratives in New York Times and Washington Post suggests that there was some kind of consensus. Either Clinton really was the obvious nominee for the party, or the media hampered Sanders chances to clinch the nomination by depicting him in a negative manner.

The diploma thesis "Analysis of the Czech and American News Coverage of the 2008 Presidential Elections in the U.S. and American President" examined if American press, represented by The New Your Times, is influencing the coverage of presidential candidates in Czech press, which is represented by Mladá fronta DNES and Hospodářské noviny. The examination is based on the example of presidential race in 2008 in USA. The aim of the research is if there are signs of international two-step flow in Czech press. The second part of the research is focused on so called honeymoon effect in Czech press on the example of news Coverage of President Barack Obama in his first term in office. The quantitative content analysis showed that there are similar features in the coverage of presidential race in Czech and American press. The investigation also showed that Czech press is more positive in the coverage of Barrack Obama at the beginning of his first term in office and this positivity declined in the second year.