Au Chili, l’usage des réseaux sociaux a suscité un discours utopique et technologique fort, qui a particulièrement influencé les mobilisations sociales apparues ces dernières années en même temps que des applications comme Facebook et Twitter. Avec 17 millions d’habitants – 4e pays en nombre de comptes de réseaux sociaux per capita – l’histoire politique chilienne s’est distinguée par un processus particulier, toujours accompagné d’un usage singulier des moyens de communication.L’intérêt porté à l’usage effectif des réseaux sociaux par l’élite politique chilienne et à son effet sur la pratique démocratique découle de ce contexte. La thèse s’est donné pour objectif d’approfondir la connaissance de cet usage en périodes d’élections. On a privilégié des approches exploratoires pour observer les traces laissées par l’élite sur le réseau. De là, on a suivi le fil de l’instrumentalisation des médias à des fins électorales. Une partie des informations les plus importantes ont été recueillies lors d’entretiens personnels avec des membres de l’élite politique, parmi lesquels des candidats à la présidence de la république. Les conclusions ont permis d’identifier des usages distincts, liés à la place de l’acteur politique dans la lutte pour le pouvoir. On a pu établir également une analogie avec ce lien en considérant d’autres moyens de communication dans une perspective historique. Enfin, on a relevé des indices de rationalité instrumentale qui pourraient entraîner la normalisation des pratiques et la marchandisation de cet espace social, ce qui produit évidemment des effets sur la pratique démocratique au Chili. / The use of social networks in Chile has arise a strong utopian and technological speech, which has particularly influenced social mobilizations during the last years. At the same time, the country has witnessed the emergence and development of social applications as Facebook or Twitter. With 17 millions of inhabitants, Chile - which is credited to be the 4th country of the world having more use of social networks per capita- has had in its recent history a distinctive democratic process which has characterized by a special political use of mass media. The interest shown by the chilean political elite towards the social media in the recent years is having an effect over the democratic practice. Hence, this thesis had the purpose to deepen the knowledge of this type of use during electoral process. Exploratory approaches were favored to observe the virtual footprints of the elite on the social media. Then, we followed the traces of instrumentalization of mass media with electoral means. An important part of the information gathered was risen from personal interviews with presidential candidates. The conclusions permitted to identify different types of uses, linked to the emplacements of the political actors within the struggle for institutional power. It was also stablished an analogy of the uses that were identified with other mass media from an historical perspective. Finally, we identified elements of instrumental rationality which may lead towards normalization and merchantilization of this social space, which has evident impact in the political practice in Chile.

This thesis examines a new form of agency for change that has surfaced in rural areas of post-war Guatemala around the defence of territory and natural resources. I argue that this new form of agency emerges in the shadow of a state co-opted by elite factions and manifests distinct qualities from previous expressions of revolutionary and democratic activism. It is localised and characterised by varied aspects of what I call ‘difference’, an antagonistic stance based on locally embedded political, economic and cultural meanings which challenges the elite-promoted reordering of relationships and spaces. This ‘difference’ is enacted through the ‘defence of territory’, which expresses a socio-political and cultural attachment to particular physical spaces and has instigated collective resistances to the implementation of projects linked to the exploitation of natural resources. The thesis analyses this form of agency through two case studies, one among indigenous communities in the Northern Quiché, the second among primarily non-indigenous communities in the municipalities of San José del Golfo and San Pedro Ayampuc. As this research demonstrates, given the firm integration of conventional channels of democratic participation into the patterns of state co-option, the primary aim of these struggles is the re-appropriation of decision-making processes and the carving out of spaces, in which their ‘difference’ can evolve. In the context of a co-opted state, these local expressions of agency create spaces in which fragile, embryonic forms of collective interaction and deliberation that represent a condition for democratic processes, are kept alive. However, their non-linear articulations and specific local character are also a testament to the complexity of the construction of democratic processes in countries like Guatemala.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-16T08:16:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2016-01-08T19:57:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 102697.pdf: 7888948 bytes, checksum: cf68ab352791246984ead57fe3f516ad (MD5) / A partir dos discursos e explicações sobre a crise e os conflitos sociais dos anos 90, sob a ótica da dominação patrimonialista, o estudo procura resgatar e analisar o imaginário das elites políticas e empresariais em Criciúma. Quer compreender as mudanças sócio-econômicas ocorridas nas últimas três décadas e analisar aspectos da formação social da cidade bem como a configuração das elites no poder local, considerando os três períodos que marcaram a história de Criciúma: colonização, mineração e diversificação econômica.

This thesis has focussed on the International Baccalaureate’s Diploma Programme (IBDP). This focus arose from the author having worked in three centres which had subsequently gone on to adopt the IBDP, and which had thus given the author access to an initial purposive sample. This sample was later extended to include another five schools/colleges, as the author found that the initial interviewing sample had yielded inconclusive findings. The extended sample, however, provided a significantly rich source of qualitative data. This thesis examines leadership, and how leaders choose to implement non-mandatory curricula choices in schools and colleges. It also addresses whether leaders believe that these choices make differences to their students’ life chances through social mobility. This thesis investigates what happens when leaders can no longer afford to offer such choices to their students: how this makes them ‘feel’, and what they have ‘experienced’, through the removal of a curriculum option for educationalists and learners alike. It also addresses how leaders ‘feel’ when their students maintain access to curricula choices that other post-16 students are unable to access. The thesis also considers the development and extension of ‘a globally mobile transnational elite’ group (Savage et al, 2015: 244), and the leaders in education who deliver and extend this position. There have been eight phases to this research process, including four strands of data collection, with post-16 students, middle tier staff, HEI students, and Senior Leadership Teams in providing institutions, but the determining focus is with the SLTs interviews (N=28), conducted in 2014 and 2015. These were the individuals who had taken the decisions on the implementation of this non-mandatory curriculum area. The thesis analyzes some of the current areas of ‘distinction’ (Bourdieu, 1986) on independent schooling, and the research process demonstrates the significant gaps that are opening up between more traditional upper middle class groups in contrast with more adept transnational students and their parents. The thesis confirms that a global transnational elite exists inside the English education system, and that it uses the IBDP extensively to establish its separate cultural identity. It identifies ways of access to HEIs that are now a critical part of that cultural entity, as discussed by Savage et al (2015). This thesis is therefore an indicator of new and emerging forms of social differentiation, and examines how this is created using the IBDP. At a time of decreasing social mobility for the mainstream population, the thesis explores whether education environments are able to influence either their students or the wider education policy agenda, in order to actively achieve social justice.

Submitted by ANTONIO NEGRO (negro@ufba.br) on 2016-10-18T21:32:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 Alan Passos.pdf: 18533116 bytes, checksum: 1cf741d2a2ca2d4a336ee1ed1ee70e8a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Uillis de Assis Santos (uillis.assis@ufba.br) on 2016-12-22T12:02:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 Alan Passos.pdf: 18533116 bytes, checksum: 1cf741d2a2ca2d4a336ee1ed1ee70e8a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-22T12:02:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 Alan Passos.pdf: 18533116 bytes, checksum: 1cf741d2a2ca2d4a336ee1ed1ee70e8a (MD5) / Capes / Pressupondo que nenhum passado está salvo de apropriações e usos contemporâneos, essa dissertação interroga e problematiza as comemorações do quarto centenário da Cidade do Salvador, Bahia, realizado em 1949. Interessa investigar os sentidos e significados mobilizados por uma série de práticas e representações acionadas naquele contexto por determinadas elites letradas, notadamente, os autonomistas. Num primeiro momento, a pesquisa volta-se para as conjunturas do fim do Estado Novo e início da redemocratização, entre 1942-1949, com o objetivo de acompanhar as primeiras premeditações das comemorações e os sujeitos que encabeçaram as organizações. Em seguida, o foco centra-se sobre os dois momentos principais das festividades: o Primeiro Congresso de História da Bahia e a encenação cívica e pública da História da Bahia. Para a fabricação dessa dissertação utilizei um leque variado de documentos tais como jornais, revistas, anais, álbum, livro de memórias, narrativas literárias, cartas, ofícios, atas, fotografias, postais, emblemas e vídeos. Essa pesquisa se inscreve na imbricação da História Cultural e Política em conexão com os atuais debates travados no campo de estudos de História da Historiografia e da História Contemporânea em torno daquilo que tem se chamado de usos do passado.

Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política. / Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-22T09:11:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 228905.pdf: 2106627 bytes, checksum: f628b9f3112a9de40b59dce98acd1bd9 (MD5)

Made available in DSpace on 2009-11-18T18:56:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 augusto.pdf: 495976 bytes, checksum: 7a8d1b9985e46f986ff606786c4e9798 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2001 / This research has verified by which way the representations of the social world can influence choices, referring to political systems models, specially on the power division and organization among central and undernational governments. We studied the history of these choices during the period between 1822-1889, when the question of federalism was closely articulated with problem solutions that were decisive to the construction of the Brazilian State and Nation. Theoretical reference was the approach of social relations developed by French sociologists, historians and psychologists which privilege the articulation between the agents and the social structures. The study has allowed the conclusion that the practices of federalism, during the analyzed period just make sense if they are examined from a network of representations shared by the politic leading circles in reference to de State, the Society and the relations that must exist between them. / A pesquisa aqui empreendida procurou verificar de que modo as representações do mundo social podem influenciar as escolhas no tocante à modelagem de sistemas políticos, especialmente na divisão e organização de poder entre o governo central e os governos subnacionais. Estudou-se a história dessas escolhas no Brasil durante o período 1822-1889, quando a questão do federalismo esteve estreitamente articulada com a solução de problemas decisivos para a conformação do Estado e da Nação brasileiros. Utilizou-se como referencial teórico a abordagem das representações sociais desenvolvida por sociólogos, historiadores e psicólogos sociais franceses, a qual privilegia a articulação entre a subjetividade dos agentes e as estruturas sociais. O estudo permitiu concluir que as práticas relacionadas ao federalismo, durante o período analisado, só adquirem sentido quando examinadas a partir de uma rede de representações compartilhadas a respeito do Estado, da Sociedade e das relações que devem vigorar entre eles.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:18:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 1995-06-07T00:00:00Z / Busca uma análise da permanência da Elite Burocrática Japonesa no poder e na formulação e condução da Política Industrial nos anos seguintes ao Pós-Segunda Guerra. Essa permanência, possibilitada e fortalecida pelas orientações tomadas pelas Forças de Ocupação, favoreceu a retomada da orientação industrial por parte do Estado, via Elite Burocrática, partidos políticos e grupos econômicos (zaibatsu ou zaikai).

Au lendemain du Compromis de 1867, l’administration ministérielle de Budapest répond à un double héritage. Elle hérite d’un côté de l’« administration noble » des comitats (nobile officium de l’auto-administration des nobles dans la fonction publique élective), tandis que de l’autre, l’empreinte du néo-absolutisme rappelle la tradition de professionnalisation de l’administration centrale de l’Autriche, qui comme la Prusse organise un « fonctionnariat » dès le milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Aussi, ce double héritage structure les deux « niveaux » de l’administration : alors que l’administration régionale reste aux mains des notables locaux, une bureaucratie d’État émerge dans les institutions centrales, dont par ailleurs le personnel s’embourgeoise.Cette thèse propose une approche empirique des enjeux que recouvre le développement de l’administration centrale de l’ « ère bourgeoise » en Hongrie. Pour cela, le personnel des ministères est abordé à travers deux axes principaux : la professionnalisation de l’administration, et l’embourgeoisement de l’élite ministérielle. Une étude détaillée du recrutement social, de la formation académique et enfin des carrières des hauts fonctionnaires de l’administration ministérielle apporte un nouvel éclairage à ces questions. Par-delà le lustre des bals de cours, des cérémonies officielles et des casinos de la capitale, c’est bien ces aspects que s’efforce de mettre à jour le présent travail, dans une démarche quantitative appuyée par des statistique descriptives. / Following the Compromise of 1867, the ministerial administration in Budapest relates to a double inheritance. On the one side, there is the « administration of the nobles » of the counties, nobile officium of the elective public service of the noble class. On the other hand, neo-absolutism manifests itself in the tradition of the professionalization of Austria’s central administration, following the steps of Prussia’s civil service model since the mid-18th century. This way the double inheritance structures the two levels of the hungarian administration: with the regional management remaining in the hands of the local nobility, and a state bureaucracy gradually becoming « gentrified », and emerging in the central institutions.The present thesis proposes an empirical approach to the major issues of the central administration’s development in Hungary of the « bourgeois era ». The study of the ministerial personnel will proceed along two main axes: the administration’s professionalization and the bourgeoisification of the ministerial elite.Descriptive statistics provided by this quantitative study shall shed new lights on the recruitment mechanisms in relation to social status, academic formation and career of the ministerial high-ranking civil servants - sterner aspects of their lives beyond the usual scintillating court balls and grand official ceremonies.

Submitted by Yann Pellissier (yann.pellissier@gmail.com) on 2018-09-28T02:34:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 HISTÓRIA DE UM EUROPEISMO BRASILEIRO_TESE DE YANN PELLISSIER_PPGA-UFBA_2018.pdf: 5479538 bytes, checksum: 8cf995cf229530e8c5babbff3f69755f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Biblioteca Isaías Alves (reposiufbat@hotmail.com) on 2018-10-02T18:05:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 HISTÓRIA DE UM EUROPEISMO BRASILEIRO_TESE DE YANN PELLISSIER_PPGA-UFBA_2018.pdf: 5479538 bytes, checksum: 8cf995cf229530e8c5babbff3f69755f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-02T18:05:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HISTÓRIA DE UM EUROPEISMO BRASILEIRO_TESE DE YANN PELLISSIER_PPGA-UFBA_2018.pdf: 5479538 bytes, checksum: 8cf995cf229530e8c5babbff3f69755f (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa da Bahia (FAPESB)e Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho de tese estuda relações de poder à luz dos princípios de simetria discutidos pela antropologia contemporânea (LATOUR, 1997, VIVEIROS, 2002). Para realizar este objetivo, discuto um percurso acadêmico que me fez redescobrir a antropologia francesa e brasileira. Foi ao longo deste caminho que aprendi a questionar desigualdades pós-coloniais, no fim desta trajetória, cheguei na proposta de uma antropologia europeísta. A pesquisa começa com reflexões sobre desigualdades na França, passa por uma descrição do elitismo de jovens paulistas, transita no interior da Bahia entre duas formações antropológicas assimétricas e termina com uma descrição da construção de um novo bairro de alto padrão na cidade de Salvador. Na contramaré dos fluxos que incitam os antropólogos brasileiros a realizar a sua pós-graduação na Europa, foi uma formação baiana que me propiciou – enquanto francês – a identificar aspectos importantes das relações de poder e hierarquias em contextos pós-coloniais. Abordo, criticamente, a naturalização da violência nas relações “norte-sul” e de outras relações assimétricas seguindo as etapas da minha formação franco-brasileira. Esse olhar reflexivo resulta em descrições etnográficas sobre operações do imperialismo tanto em nossa disciplina quanto na vida daqueles que participaram de minha trajetória de pesquisa. Argumento que a violência da opressão deve ser enxergada, também, a partir da perspectiva dominante. O princípio de simetria serve tanto para reequilibrar as relações de poder estudadas – colocar os polos das assimetrias no mesmo plano – quanto para evidenciar outras formas de dominação – relacionar as assimetrias no mesmo plano. Assim, com este trabalho contribuo para uma reflexão sobre os desafios políticos da antropologia contemporânea: tomar consciência da existência de problemas, deixar os movimentos contrários acontecer e tentar não falar pelos outros são estratégias que mobilizei neste trabalho para defender uma antropologia mais à esquerda (GOLDMAN, 2014). Aqui procuro trazer as coisas de “volta para a vida” (INGOLD, 2012), a começar com as “coisas” que os antropólogos consideram poderosas. É por esta razão que passamos da França para o Brasil, da capital paulista para o interior da Bahia, da cidade de Salvador para um novo bairro de alto padrão: foi para falar do imperialismo europeu e do evolucionismo colonial, do racismo, do machismo e do elitismo, do cientificismo da antropologia e do poder do Estado e do Capital. / Ce travail de thèse a cherché à étudier certaines relations de pouvoir à la lumière du principe de symétrie tant discuté par l'anthropologie. Pour atteindre cet objectif, je suis revenu sur un parcours académique qui m'a fait découvrir l’anthropologie française et brésilienne. C’est au long de ce chemin que j’ai construit un regard symétrique sur les relations asymétriques, à la fin de cette trajectoire, je suis arrivé à la proposition d’une anthropologie européiste. La recherche commence par des réflexions sur les inégalités en France, passe par une description de l'élitisme de la jeunesse pauliste, transite à Bahia entre deux formations anthropologiques asymétriques et se termine par une description de la construction d'un nouveau quartier haut de gamme de la ville de Salvador. A contrecourant des flux hégémoniques qui incitent les anthropologues brésiliens à faire leurs études supérieures à l’étranger, c’est une formation bahianaise qui m'a permis – en tant que français – d’identifier certains aspects importants des relations de pouvoir et des hiérarchies en contexte postcolonial. J'aborde de manière critique la naturalisation de la violence des relations « nord-sud » et d'autres relations asymétriques à partir des étapes de ma formation franco-brésilienne. Ce regard réflexif m’a permis de développer des descriptions ethnographiques sur des opérations impérialistes visibles à la fois dans notre discipline et dans la vie de ceux qui ont participé à ma trajectoire de recherche. Suivant la ligne d'une anthropologie symétrique (LATOUR, 1997 ; VIVEIROS, 2002), je soutiens que la violence de l'oppression doit être observée, en toute situation, du point de vue du dominant. Le principe de symétrie sert autant à rééquilibrer les relations de pouvoir étudiées – mettre les pôles des asymétries sur le même plan – qu’à mettre en évidence d'autres formes de domination – mettre en relation toutes les asymétries sur le même plan. Ainsi, avec ce travail, je cherche à contribuer à une réflexion sur les défis politiques de l'anthropologie contemporaine : prendre conscience de l'existence de problèmes, laisser les mouvements contraires exister et ne pas essayer de parler pour les autres sont des stratégies qui ont été mobilisées dans ce travail pour défendre une anthropologie plus à gauche (GOLDMAN, 2014). Ici, j`essaie de ramener les choses à la vie (INGOLD, 2012), en commençant par les «choses» puissantes. C’est pour cette raison que nous passons de la France au Brésil, de la capitale pauliste à la campagne de la Bahia, de Salvador à un nouveau quartier haut de gamme : pour parler de l'impérialisme européen et de l'évolutionnisme colonial, de racisme, de machisme et d'élitisme, du scientifisme de l'anthropologie et du pouvoir de l'État et du Capital.