Academic research on peacebuilding, without the keywords ‘local’ or ‘ownership’, has become almost unthinkable nowadays. This thesis aims to contribute to current debates by offering insight into discursive and practical meanings of local elites’ strategies to actively seek and utilize diaspora’s capacity to help their own position in the peacebuilding ownership configuration. It focuses on examination of the local ‘elite self-empowerment’ through power-sharing arrangements with diaspora that can further offer a deeper understanding of how local ownership of peacebuilding is articulated and operationalized in a post-conflict Bosnia and Herzegovina.This is a case-oriented comparative study, which combines comparative methods and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) tools. Ideal-type and fsQCA are used for creating empirical typologies, as well as a systematic analysis of selected conditions across investigated mono- and multiethnic sets of cases. Comparative methods are used for their further juxtaposition and finding similarities between individual cases belonging to the same group, and identifying overall differences between groups. The thesis demonstrates that overwhelming success of the Bosnian diaspora in the economic sphere can be an excellent indicator of their overall capacity to contribute to other areas of post-conflict reconstruction and peacebuilding. Elite-driven inclusion of conflict-generated diaspora, as an agent of peacebuilding, contributes to more successful dynamics and management of the process, which as a result can advance local elites’ share in ‘owning’ the process. There are several types of diaspora incorporation strategies in local peacebuilding frameworks, which are shaped and embedded in the local contexts; variations amongst them depend on factors that are not ethnically-based but rather rationalist in their conception; incorporation of diaspora is perceived as a viable alternative to externally-led peacebuilding and has the potential of overcoming the post-conflict democratic transformation fatigue that currently exists in the country.Even though a core building-block of any study of diaspora is the diasporic community itself, this study is not focused on examining their actions or patterns of behavior. This thesis is about exploring and testing alliance-building strategies of local elites towards diaspora communities, a craft that has yet to be mastered. Currently, diasporas are considered as ‘resources’ or ‘tools’ for their countries of origin, not as genuine partners. This work shows that homeland local governments, need to avoid making assumptions of an inherent diasporic ‘obligation to help’, especially in post-conflict reconstruction, and must work instead on developing local strategies of diaspora incorporation in order to profit from their involvement and enhance their local peacebuilding capacities.There exists a growing interest in inspecting the roles of diaspora groups in the countries and regions of their origins, yet scholarly work on Bosnian diaspora’s political involvement in BiH is extremely limited. This study focuses on elites’ perceptions of diaspora’s role as an agent; it examines types of specific positioning locals have towards their potential engagement, and how it all impacts dynamics of the entire peacebuilding process. Exploring different venues for co-option of Bosnian diaspora on a local level opens up and attracts new theoretical meanings to local ownership in peacebuilding processes. Research findings indicate that developing transnational management policies to attract diaspora’s engagement, through sharing decision-making powers on a local level, can contribute to compensating for shortcomings that locals have been unable to overcome in the past to advance their ownership position in the peacebuilding process. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La thèse porte sur les transformations des politiques électorales dans l’état de l’Uttar Pradesh, Inde, dans la période suivant une phase de cristallisation et de politisation des identités de castes et religieuses. La thèse considère l’évolution d’un certain nombre d’indicateurs de la vie politique de cet état pour faire état de changements profonds des ressorts de la mobilisation politique. Au cours de la période considérée, il est observé que les formes mobilisation horizontale de la caste se sont estompées au profit de transactions locales entre groupes et individus inscrits dans des contextes socio-économiques différenciés. Cette localisation des politiques de caste a conduit la caste à s’encastrer davantage dans le champ politique mais de manière moins transversale qu’auparavant. En d’autres termes, les partis politiques ne parviennent ni ne souhaitent plus mobiliser leurs électeurs en usant registre de la caste horizontalement, par-delà le niveau local, mais font de la caste un élément central de le stratégies au niveau des circonscriptions. L’argument principal de la thèse consiste à dire que l’encastrement local de la caste s’effectue en lien étroit avec le contexte socioéconomique d’inscription. Une prosopographie des candidats et élus aux élections régionales de 2007 et 2012 révèle que les candidats sélectionnés par les principaux partis politiques tendent non seulement a l’être fonction de leur appartenance de caste ou de communauté religieuse mais également en fonction de leur ancrage dans les tissus économiques locaux. Une ethnographie politique confirme l’existence d’un processus d’intégration des élites politiques, sociales et économiques au travers des processus démocratiques. En d’autres termes, le profil des candidats et des élus tend à être socialement hétérogène mais économiquement homogène, ce qui contredit trahit en partie le caractère émancipatoire des mouvements politiques dits de basses castes. / This dissertation focuses on the transformations of electoral politics in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, afte period of crystallization and politicization of caste and religious-based identities. The dissertation studies evolution of a number of political indicators to reveal profound changes in the ways parties and candidates mobi voters. It is observed notably that the horizontal forms of caste-based mobilization that characterized much of politics of the state have receded in favour of local arrangements between parties, candidates and local social grou This leads the caste variable to become more deeply embedded into the political sphere, but locally.The main argument of this dissertation is the local embeddedness of caste took place in deep connection with th local economical context. The prosopography of candidates and elected representatives of the state assembly in 2 and 2012 reveals that parties tend to not only choose their candidates according to their ascriptive identity, but a following their inscription in local dominating economic networks. A political ethnography conducted across state confirms the existence of a process of integration or congruence of political, social and economic elites. Th the social composition of the state assembly tends to be both heterogeneous in terms of caste and homogeneou terms of economic background. This questions the emancipatory character or potential of caste-based mobilizat and representation.

La thèse s’intéresse à l’évolution des conceptions de contrôle (Fligstein, 1996) des entreprises publiques du secteur de l’énergie (EDF, GDF, Areva, et à titre comparatif, Total, Elf et Technip) de 1986 à 2016. Elle montre comment ce changement est initié par la libéralisation des marchés de l’énergie et entretenu par une évolution de la manière dont la haute administration et les directions des entreprises se représentent les firmes et la forme organisationnelle qu’elles doivent adopter (partie I). Les dynamiques du champ de l’énergie sont ainsi tributaires de celles du champ bureaucratique et notamment de l’importance accrue de la sphère politique en son sein. Les firmes se regroupent lors de fusions, et se concurrencent entre elles, encadrées par le champ bureaucratique de l’énergie et la Commission européenne (partie II). Enfin, la désinscription (partielle et différenciée) du champ bureaucratique se double d’une réinscription dans un environnement financier et dans le champ européen de l’énergie au travers d’une internationalisation des firmes (partie III). La thèse s’appuie sur des archives de l’administration, une analyse de la littérature grise, 75 entretiens réalisés avec des dirigeants exécutifs de grandes entreprises de l’énergie et hauts fonctionnaires, et une analyse quantitative de leurs carrières. / The dissertation deals with the conception of control (Fligstein, 1996) dynamics of state-oxned firms in the energy industry (EDF, GDF, Areva, and in a copmparative capacity, Total, Elf and Technip) from 1986 to 2016. It shows how the change is initiated by the liberalization of energy markets and fuelled by a change in the way executive committees and high civil servants perceive the firms and their organizational form (part I). The dynamics of the energy industry depend on those caracterizing the bureaucratic field and the European Commission. Firms concentrate and compete with one another, with the supervision of the bureaucratic field and the European commission (part II). The – partial and differenciated - estrangement of the energy industry from the bureaucratic field goes together with a rapprochement in a financial environment and the European field of energy via a internationlization of the firms (part III). The dissertation relies on archives from the public administration for energy, 75 interviews with hitg ranking executives from the firms and civils servants ; and a quantitative analysis of their career patterns.

Cette thèse analyse le processus de diffusion des sports modernes dans les cinq territoires qui ont formé l’Indochine entre 1858 et 1945. Cette thèse a pour objectif de comprendre pourquoi et comment les mouvements de jeunesse et les sports occidentaux se sont développés, dans une société très majoritairement rurale avec un niveau de vie très faible. L’enjeu historique est de comprendre comment ces divers mouvements ont contribué à former une fraction de la jeunesse indochinoise – par hypothèse majoritairement urbaine et lettrée en français – et d’envisager le rôle de ces mouvements et activités dans la formation d’un nationalisme vietnamien moderne. Il s’agit également, sur un second plan, d’analyser les processus de transferts et d’appropriations culturelles qui sont au cœur de ces nouvelles pratiques et de comprendre comment celles-ci transforment les cultures locales. Dans cette perspective, on s’interrogera sur ces transformations : celles-ci sont-elles gouvernées par le mimétisme ou la concurrence mimétique, l’hybridation ou s’agit-il d’un simple transfert ? Ces questions engagent ensuite à comprendre comment ces deux plans – plan politique de la construction du nationalisme vietnamien, plan culturel des transformations impliquées par les nouvelles pratiques – s’articulent et s’alimentent. Par ailleurs, la genèse des politiques sportives coloniales est abordée. Enfin la comparaison avec d’autres espaces colonisés, français, britanniques ou hollandais, permet d’illustrer la singularité de la configuration indochinoise. / This doctoral thesis analyzes the process that led to the spreading of modern sports over the five States which formed Indochina from 1858 until 1945. This study aims to explain why and how the youth movements and western sporting activities spread in a predominantly rural society whose standards of living were low. The historical stake is to understand how these different movements contributed to shaping up a part of Indochinese youth assumed as mainly urban and literate in French, and to consider the part played by these movements and their activities into the development of modern nationalism in Vietnam. The second aim is to analyze the transfer process and cultural appropriation which are at the heart of these new practices and to understand how they change the local cultures. In that respect, we will examine these transformations: were they brought about through imitation, mimetic competition, hybridization or just through a plain transfer? Those questions then lead us to understand how the two levels, firstly a political one with the building up of Vietnamese nationalism, secondly a cultural one with the changes involved by those activities, link up and feed off one another. Moreover the genesis of sporting colonial policies is dealt with. And the comparison with other colonial territories, French, British or Dutch, helps to illustrate the particularity of the Indochinese configuration.

This thesis seeks to explain the phenomenon of party switching (or floor-crossing) in the understudied case of the Canadian House of Commons. It uses Müller and Strøm’s “Policy, Office or Votes?” framework at the individual level of analysis and a mixed methods approach that combines document analysis and econometrics to assess the effects of individual and institutional variables on the decision to switch parties. The results inform a wider discussion regarding individual political behavior as well as the role, influence and evolution of political parties in the Canadian state. The research demonstrates that the electorate is adept at recognizing opportunism and tends to respect MPs who switch parties on principle while punishing those that switch for more self-centered reasons.

The thesis examines the process of recruiting new political elites, which is considered as an essential prerequisite for the restoration of a democratic society in the Czech Republic. The work examines the civic society and its involvement in the political life and activities on the municipal political level. The case study concerns the village of Dolní Břežany where the significant processes have taken place since the year 2002 in order to strengthen the transparency of politics. A questionnaire was distributed in Dolní Břežany where the questions dealt with the citizens´ life satisfaction in the village, their participation in public life and it investigated whether their involvement is or is not connected with an interest in politics or it is just connected with the existence of problems and their solution. Furthermore, the interviews with the executive representatives (between the years 2002 and 2014) gather their views on politics, the public and political participation in general. The aim was to find out what inspired the new political elites to enter the politics and stay politically active for such a long time. The work confirms a hypothesis that a goal of the new political representatives, who were elected in Dolní Břežany in 2002, was to improve their life conditions in the village. The elites remained politically active due to their clear conception of the future village development. The citizens´ confidence in political leaders and a high satisfaction with the community life increased also their interest in politics and public affairs.

The main objective of this thesis is the identification and understanding of the mechanisms of recruiting local political elites and their role in the process of democratization of local politics, and in the process of strengthening local civil society on concrete example selected municipality. The case study concerns with the municipality Semily, which was chosen to work as a community with exemplary transparent and open manner of governance. In 2006 there was a significant change in political representation when recruiting new political elites was a top down process led by a particular person according to predetermined priorities.

This essay consider several themes related to public gatherings that require more attention by archaeologists. These are (1) the relations between elites and non-elites in public events, (2) what public gatherings indicate about the societies sponsoring them, (3) the social pluralism of public encounters and their wider context and meaning, and (4) some material correlates of public gatherings. Also considered briefly are some theoretical and methodological issues in Andean ethnography and ethnohistory that have relevance to public gatherings and their analogical value in archaeology. Examples from Peru and Chile are employed to demonstrate several points. / El presente ensayo considera diversos temas relacionados con las reuniones públicas, las que requieren más atención por parte de los arqueólogos. Estos son: 1) las relaciones entre las elites y las individuos que no pertenecen a ellas en los eventos públicos, 2) lo que indican las relaciones públicas acerca de las sociedades que las subvencionan u organizan, 3) el pluralismo social de los encuentros públicos y su contexto y significado más amplios, y 4) algunos correlatos materiales de las reuniones públicas. También se consideran, brevemente, algunos temas teóricos y metodológicos en etnografía y etnohistoria andinas que tienen relevancia para las reuniones públicas y su valor analógico en arqueología. Se emplean ejemplos del Perú y Chile para demostrar diversos aspectos.

Orientador: Jose Camilo dos Santos Filho / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T19:31:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moraes_SilviaElizabethMiranda_D.pdf: 12087676 bytes, checksum: d63ddd9c00a3aadd63b1a691e4e8b7a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: O propósito deste estudo é analisar o Bacharelato Internacional (IB), um currículo desenvolvido por 553 escolas internacionais localizadas em 75 países do mundo. O IB é um programa de estudos com duração de dois anos destinado a alunos do _ grau que requer: o estudo de línguas, ciências, matemática e humanidades; a participação em atividades artísticas e em serviços para a comunidade; a freqüência a um curso de Teoria do Conhecimento; e a elaboração de uma monografia de quatro a cinco mil palavras sob a orientação de um professor qualificado. Com a globalização da economia, a facilidade nas comunicações e a diminuição das distâncias geográficas e culturais entre os países, o IB cresceu de importância a tal ponto que hoje serve anualmente a mais de vinte mil alunos de 149 nacionalidades realizando exames em 55 línguas. No Brasil, oito escolas adotaram o IB. Por exigências do método e por fatores socio-econômico e culturais, a Escola Americana de São Paulo foi escolhida como a mais apropriada para a análise. Utilizei a metodologia da investigação construtivista responsiva baseada no círculo dialético-hermenêutico de Guba & Lincoln (Fourth Generation Evaluation, California: Sage Publ., 1989). Esta metodologia parte do pressuposto que a realidade é fruto das construções dos diversos atores nela envolvidos. Através de círculos de entrevistas abertas e de pesquisa documental, o pesquisador vai reformulando sua construção inicial até chegar a uma construção comum que é o fruto de intensa negociação e de consenso entre os participantes e o investigador. O contexto socio-político-cultural do currículo é obtido através de uma etnografia prévia. A cultura tende a ser considerada a real determinante do comportamento dos sujeitos envolvidos. O círculo nesta pesquisa refere-se à forma imaginária como se posicionam o pesquisador e seus respondentes no processo de compreensão do currículo. ,Após completar vários círculos de entrevistas, chegamos às seguintes questões que acreditamos serem as mais relevantes para a compreensão do fenômeno : 1) Qual o papel de uma escola internacional como a Escola Americana de São Paulo no contexto global e no contexto nacional? 2)Qual deve ser a relação entre a escola e o mercado internacional e local? 3) Como o currículo responde à tensão entre intemacionalismo e regionalismo? 4) Como é possível conferir ao currículo um certo grau de flexibilidade em forma de susceptibilidade às mudanças ocorrentes no mundo e, ao mesmo tempo, dar-lhe um caráter de continuidade? 5)Como a problemática ideológica é abordada no currículo? 6) Como é tratada a questão da cultura e da identidade cultural. As conclusões da pesquisa podem ser assim resumidas: a dependência da escola ao mercado local e internacional deve ser neutralizada a fim de que o currículo possa incorporar planos a longo prazo e possa ter uma perspectiva filosófica mais autônoma; as categorias regionalismo/internacionalismo e flexibilidade! continuidade geram benéfica negociação entre os participantes e favorecem a construção dialética do currículo; ideologicamente, o currículo se insere na sociedade capitalista ocidental, entretanto, oferece uma fuga à unidimensionalidade do homem pela via cultural. O 18 contém uma proposta de diálogo entre os povos e culturas. No ambiente de uma escola, várias nacionalidades, etnias, raças e religiões convivem entre si em harmonia, respeito e enriquecimento mútuo. A situação presente, aponta para o aparecimento de uma nova realidade:a formação de uma elite internacional que se vê obrigada a repensar seus objetivos com vistas à construção de uma sociedade mais justa. O currículo do 18 é uma prova concreta desta nova tendência / Doutorado / Administração e Supervisão Educacional / Doutor em Educação

Orientação: Argelina Maria Cheibub Figueiredo / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-19T12:18:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrade_IlzaAraujoLeaode_D.pdf: 7822905 bytes, checksum: 6b42794fdb202e87a010e97bb9b5af93 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1994 / Resumo: A participação da população no processo de tomada de decisões é uma das formas existentes de produção de políticas públicas. O presente trabalho trata da introdução do mecanismo da participação no contexto da política urbana nos movimentos iniciais do processo de transição democrática no Brasil. Defende a idéia da importância de alguns espaços regionais, em particular, do Nordeste para o projeto de liberalização do regime militar, chamando a atenção para o processo de implementação dos programas urbanos nacionais na região. Analisa a importância da introdução do planejamento participativo na gestão dos problemas urbanos para a construção de um novo discurso e de um novo modelo de ação governamental, enfatizando o duplo papel exercido por esse novo modelo de política: a viabilização do projeto mais amplo de legitimação do Estado autoritário, em crise de legitimidade; o fortalecimento de uma nova elite governamental no Nordeste / Abstract: Popular participation in the decision-making process is one of the existing forms of producing public policies. The present work deals with the introduction of the mechanism of participation in the urban policy context in the initial moments of the democratic transitional process in Brazil. It defends the idea of the importance of some regional spaces, the Northeast in particular, to the project of liberalization from the military scheme, calling attention to the process of implementing national urban programs in the region. It analyzes the importance of introducing participative planning in conducting urban problems to the building up of a new discourse, and of a new model of govemmental action, emphasizing the double role played by this new model of policy: the feasibleness of the wider legitimation project of the authoritarian State in legitimacy crisis; the strengthening of a new govemmentalelite in the Northeast / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais