[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os processos de reposicionamento do Ministério Público nos campos jurídico e político brasileiros a partir de 1964. Tal investigação perpassa, para tanto, pela inquirição das condições capazes de explicar a conquista de atribuições que permitiram ao MP uma atuação progressivamente mais significativa para a organização do espaço político nacional e das estratégias que viabilizaram a conquista de autonomia e independência sem referência em ordenamentos estrangeiros. As hipóteses articuladas giram em torno do compartilhamento, entre a cúpula militar dirigente do país a partir de 1964 e o Ministério Público, da percepção de mundo e da concepção de Nação – condição que viabilizaria a atuação do MP como instrumento de institucionalização do regime militar -, do êxito na conformação, perante a opinião pública, de uma instituição efetivamente voltada à e capaz de promover a defesa do interesse público de forma apolítica e da continuidade da reprodução social da elite integrante do MP a partir da ausência de ruptura com a estratégia de recrutamento quando da transição democrática. Por fim, verifica-se o caráter fundamental da atuação do Ministério Público para manutenção da estabilidade da dominação do Estado e de suas elites dirigentes, aspectos que levam ao questionamento sobre a capacidade e motivação da referida instituição, nas suas atuais condições de organização e atuação, ao pleno atendimento das funções lhe atribuídas pela Constituição Federal de 1988. / [en] The present research aims to analyze the movements of the Brazilian Prosecution Service legal in the law and political fields since 1964. The investigation goes through, of the conditions capable of explaining the conquest of attributions that allowed the Brazilian Prosecution Service to progressively act more significant for the organization of the national political space and of the strategies that made possible the achievement of autonomy and independence without reference in foreign systems. The articulated hypotheses revolve around the sharing, between the military leadership of the country in 1964 and the Brazilian Prosecution Service, of the concept of the Nation - a condition that would make it possible for the Prosecution Service to act as an instrument of institutionalization of the military dictatorship - , of the success in shaping, before the public opinion, of an institution effectively turned to and capable of promoting the defense of the public interest in an apolitical way, of the continuity of the social reproduction of the elite belonging to the Prosecution Service from the absence of rupture with the strategy of recruitment during the democratic transition. Finally, we verify the fundamental character of the work of the Prosecution Service to maintain the stability of the domination of the State and its ruling elites, aspects that lead to the questioning of the capacity and motivation of that institution, in its current conditions of organization and performance, to the full fulfillment of the functions assigned to it by the Federal Constitution of 1988.

[pt] Este estudo pretende analisar os processos políticos que se relacionaram a eletrificação do Espírito Santo, investigando sua influência na implementação e configuração do setor de energia elétrica deste estado. Para realizarmos tal tarefa, analisaremos documentos históricos e dados estatísticos a fim de explorar os fenômenos que se relacionam ao processo de industrialização nacional com forte presença estatal durante o século XX, onde o contexto de desigualdades entre as economias dos entes federados foram questões determinantes para a aplicação de distintas políticas para o setor de energia elétrica. Tal conjuntura fez parte dos projetos políticos locais, que dependeram das relações cultivadas entre as diferentes elites políticas regionais e nacionais para sua execução. Neste cenário, no estado do Espírito Santo, as várias etapas do processo de consolidação do sistema elétrico nacional ajudaram a deflagrar a ruptura com o sistema econômico baseado na cafeicultura, determinando uma relação indissociável entre a demanda por eletricidade e a industrialização de base eletrointensiva. Assim, três fatores se mostraram determinantes na configuração do setor de energia elétrica capixaba: (1) a dependência aos interesses históricos do projeto de desenvolvimento nacional; (2) a necessidade da autoprodução de eletricidade por parte do parque industrial em complementação à rede nacional, e aliado a esse fator; (3) a predominância de plantas geradoras termoelétricas. Destaca-se, deste modo, um paradoxo atual: se por um lado a economia espírito-santense se encontra cada vez mais inserida em uma lógica internacional, que pressupõe produção de energia de baixo carbono, descentralizada, através fontes renováveis, por outro lado, tem farta disponibilidade de fontes de energia com alta emissão de CO2 e necessidade imediata de produção interna de energia em larga escala. / [en] This study intends to analyze the political processes related to the electrification of Espírito Santo, investigating its influence on the implementation and configuration of the electric power sector in this state. To accomplish this task, we will analyze historical documents and statistical data to explore the phenomena that are related to the national industrialization process with a strong state presence during the 20th century, where the context of inequalities between the economies of the federated entities were decisive issues for the application of different policies for the electric energy sector. This conjuncture was part of the local political projects, which depended on the relations cultivated between the different regional and national political elites for its execution. In this scenario, in the state of Espírito Santo, the various stages of the consolidation process of the national electrical system helped to trigger the rupture with the economic system based on coffee growing, determining an inseparable relationship between the demand for electricity and electro-intensive industrialization. Thus, three factors proved to be decisive in the configuration of the electricity sector in Espírito Santo: (1) the dependence on historical interests of the national development project; (2) the need for self-production of electricity by the industrial park in addition to the national grid and coupled with this factor; (3) the predominance of thermoelectric generating plants. In this way, a current paradox stands out: if, on the one hand, the Espírito Santo economy is increasingly inserted in an international logic, which presupposes the production of low-carbon energy, decentralized, through renewable sources, on the other hand, has abundant availability of energy sources with high CO2 emissions and an immediate need for large-scale domestic energy production.

Despite the recent recession, the economic growth of recent decades has created a group of so-called ‘Global-Elites’ (CeMoRe, 2010). Small in number, but high in net worth and influence they are influential in the creation of, and desire for consumption, often portrayed as luxury, privilege, prestige, and 'class'. The tourism industry has also benefited from growth, with demand predicted to double by the year 2020, reaching an estimated $14.95 billion (World Tourism & Travel Council, 2010). Much of this growth has been at the top end, as Keissling et. al. (2009) note an unprecedented rise in demand for the luxury hotel sector over the past decade. The global elite’s leisure consumption practices require considerable research attention, and yet research into luxury services, such as hotels and associated hospitality services, is greatly undeveloped. Atwal and Williams (2008) note the ability of consumption as a means for consumers to make statements about themselves, and nowhere is this more true than in the world of the Global-Elite, who seemingly having no desire to curb current travel activities (Elliott & Urry, 2009). This may be due to the uncertainty that is felt about future travel opportunities, with environmental decline of natural and heritage attractions paralleled by numerous threats to travel such as peak oil and political instability. However, in recent years, there has been increased interest in the study of ethical consumption in the tourism arena (e.g. Novelli, 2005; Sharpley, 2006; Lansing & Vries, 2006; Yeoman et. al., 2006). Although there appears to be incompatibility between the concepts of luxury and concerns around ethical consumption and sustainability, this research posits that while current transitions (around travel and tourism) continue towards further unsustainability (Cohen, 2010), ethical consumption may provide an avenue for social distinction and status differentiation in the world of the Global-Elites. In order to adequately understand the behavioural intentions of the Global-Elites, the synergy between consumer values, luxury dimensions and ethical consumption needs to be explored. This research examines the influence of consumer values, as a more universal measure of intent, in relation to ethical consumption in luxury hotels. This research argues that by reducing the uncertainty related to the degree to which consumers (Global-Elites) value ethical consumption, deeper insights into these apparently incompatible spaces and places for ethical consumption will be obtained. Furthermore, luxury hotels will be able to assess the suitability of marketing and communicating such strategies to their customers.

The focus of this thesis is the nature of the interaction between the civic elites and the civic coinage for which they were responsible. The Roman Province of Asia provides the ideal context for the study of local elites and their coinage because of the prevalence and prominence of the names of individual local notables, henceforth known as eponyms, recorded in civic coin legends. By combining the study of the function of coin eponyms and the prosopographical analysis of individual eponyms in the epigraphic record, it is possible to identify and explain the profound changes that affected civic coin production in the first three centuries AD. Local elites perceived coinage not only in terms of a functional means of exchange, but as a medium for personal and civic display. In this way the local elites exploited coin iconography in ways that paralleled other media of monumental display. New coin legends were developed, which identified explicitly the dedicatory nature of the coinage and the iconographic repertoire of coin types was radically expanded to express the cultural agendas and priorities of the civic elites. The first half of the thesis is devoted to the study of the relationship between office holding and coinage and the development of coin legend formulae during the first three centuries AD. The pattern and distribution of the various legend formulae is analysed in order to determine the extent of the eponym’s involvement in the production of coinage. In particular, this section intends to establish the extent to which coinage production was funded privately. The fourth chapter is arranged into a series of case studies discussing individual cases of personalized coin iconography. The final chapter of the thesis outlines how the civic elite’s conceptualization of coinage changed over the course of this period. It is argued that contact with the Roman monetary tradition affected civic elites’ attitude to coinage and that this manifested itself in the iconography and the fabric of the coins themselves.

Le Mozambique est un ‘donor darling’ depuis l’indépendance en 1975, et plus particulièrement depuis les Accords de paix en 1992. En matière de conservation de la nature, des bailleurs de fonds internationaux prennent une part active à l’action publique, depuis la conception de la réglementation jusqu’à la gestion quotidienne de parcs nationaux. L’action publique est de fait transnationale : elle est sous-tendue par des narrations, des financements et des acteurs exogènes. Ce travail étudie ce phénomène au sommet de l’Etat, c’est à dire à l’échelle des élites administratives du ministère du tourisme (en charge des questions de conservation) et de deux parcs nationaux (Gorongosa et Limpopo). Grâce à une lecture sociologique de l’action publique, nous montrons combien les élites mozambicaines se situent dans une zone grise : elles s’attachent à mettre en œuvre les feuilles de route de bailleurs qui les rémunèrent (telle la Banque mondiale), mais elles affichent dans le même temps une loyauté vis à vis du parti-Etat Frelimo, au pouvoir depuis l’indépendance. Ainsi, leur maîtrise voire leur partage des visions du monde des bailleurs en matière de conservation va de pair avec leur inscription nationale : la mise en œuvre d’agendas pour partie exogènes n’est pas incompatible avec l’affirmation d’un périmètre des compétences de l’Etat. En d’autres termes, notre hypothèse consiste à penser l’action de ces élites comme participant certes de la transnationalisation de l’action publique, mais également de l’affirmation de l’Etat qui reste au centre du jeu, malgré ses faibles capacités. De manière a priori contre-intuitive, le processus de domination étatique peut se poursuivre sous un régime d’aide, lequel peut même donner lieu à un (re)déploiement de la souveraineté de l’Etat. / Mozambique is a donor darling since independence in 1975, and more particularly since the Peace Agreement in 1992. As far as nature conservation is concerned, international donors take part to policymaking, including law making and daily management of national parks. Policymaking is thus transnational: narrations, funding and exogenous actors underline it. This work analyses this phenomenon at the top of the state, that is taking specifically into consideration administrative elites working in the tourism ministry (which is in charge of conservation matters) and in two national parks (Gorongosa and Limpopo). Thanks to a sociological study of policymaking, we show how Mozambican elites are located in a grey zone: they respond to donors (such as the World Bank), which pay them, but they are at the same time bound to the party-state Frelimo, at the head of the country ever since independence. Their mastery of donors’ worldviews goes together with the affirmation of a state’s perimeter of competences. In other words, our hypothesis considers these elites as taking part to the transnationalisation of policymaking, but simultaneously as asserting the state as a central actor, in spite of its weak capacities. In a counter-intuitive way, the state domination process can take place in an aid regime, which can even give birth to a (re)deployment of state sovereignty.

Le thème de la diaspora roumaine présente une importance majeure dans la recherche historiographique actuelle, étant donné que la préoccupation pour ce segment signifiant et toujours actif des Roumains a connu des évolutions récentes d'une valeur incontestable. Ainsi, du point de vue des investigations historiques, il devient très intéressant de retrouver les racines du véritable phénomène qui a été la création d'une identité de la diaspora roumaine, pour surprendre l'évolution de ce groupe, les relations à l'intérieur de cette communauté et avec les pays adoptifs, aussi bien que l'existence d'une vision partagée par l'exil. Vu que la période des Deux Europes, lorsque la faille entre l'occident et le bloc communiste a été souvent insurmontable, a marqué l'activité la plus notable de la diaspora roumaine et de l'Europe centrale et de l'est en général, une recherche compréhensive sur ce thème devient nécessaire. Une telle démarche a la capacité de compléter les analyses très complexes du communisme, entreprises du point de vue des aspects sociaux et politiques à l'intérieur de la Roumanie, ou bien visant la position de cet État sur la scène de la politique internationale pendant 1945 et 1989. Néanmoins, la dispersion de l'exil roumain pendant la période totalitaire a été immense, ce qui rend une recherche sur ce phénomène dans son ensemble non seulement difficile, mais aussi d'une telle manière trop générale et dénuée de profondeur. En revanche, pour nous, il a été essentiel de trouver et de justifier l'existence d'un noyau de la diaspora roumaine, bâti sur des fondements historiques et culturels indéniables et soutenu par une tradition profonde. Or, tenant compte des données consistantes identifiées, des biographies remarquables des grandes personnalités qui ont modelé la conception de la Roumanie moderne et sa culture et des messages puissants qui se sont fait entendre à une échelle continentale entre 1945 et 1989, c'est la France qui a émergé comme le véritable centre de l'exil représentatif pour une nation roumaine opprimée par le communisme, mais aussi lucide que toujours, au niveau de ses élites. Ayant restreint le thème de recherche à un espace et un segment précisément délimités, bien qu'extrêmement complexes, notre démarche a visé en permanence l'investigation des données qui puissent lui assurer un degré prononcé d'originalité. En effet, le thème de la diaspora roumaine réfugiée sur le territoire français n'a pas été individualisé en tant que sujet d'un ouvrage historiographique jusqu'à présent, ce qui a marqué une carence visible dans l'investigation exhaustive du phénomène très vaste de l'exil roumain. Pourtant, la disponibilité de plus en plus prégnante de matériaux de valeur sur la vie, l'activité et le message des personnalités qui ont fait partie de cette catégorie, comme les biographies, les archives personnelles et des institutions publiques et les ouvrages de synthèse sur des thèmes connexes, ouvre la voie vers une recherche de qualité et avec un caractère innovateur très bien justifié. L'utilisation de la langue française pour cette démarche s'avère une occasion fructueuse d'élargir la sphère de l'accès aux informations de première importance, provenant de l'espace-même où le groupe-cible de notre recherche a déroulé son activité. Ceci est important d'autant plus que la plupart des sources sur lesquelles s'appuie cette thèse se trouvent dans les grandes bibliothèques de France et d'autres pays occidentaux, tandis que les ouvrages et documents découverts en Roumanie complètent une vision d'ensemble sur ce triangle des relations entre la diaspora roumaine de France, perçue comme un groupe unitaire, son État adoptif et son pays d'origine. / The topic of the Romanian diaspora is of major importance in current historical research, given the fact that the level of preoccupation for this significant and constantly active segment of the Romanian population has recently witnessed a series of major events. Hence, from the perspective of historical research, it becomes chiefly necessary to retrace the roots of this veritable phenomenon, represented by the creation of an identity for the Romanian diaspora, in order to assess the evolution of this group, the relations within this community and with its adoptive countries, as well as the existence of a vision shared by the exile. Given the fact that the time of the Two Europes, when the break between the West and the communist bloc often proved to be impossible to overcome, marked the most notable activity of the Romanian diaspora and the one of East-Central Europe in general, it becomes necessary to undergo some thorough research in this regard. Such an endeavour has the ability to further the very complex analyses of communism, focusing on social and political aspects within Romania, or on the position of this state on the stage of international affairs between 1945 and 1989. Nevertheless, the dispersion of the Romanian exile during the totalitarian period was immense, which makes research on this phenomenon, taken as a whole, not only difficult, but also, to some extent, too general and superficial. On the other hand, for us, it was essential to find and justify the existence of a core of the Romanian diaspora, built on undeniable historical and cultural grounds and upheld by a long-lasting tradition. In fact, given the complex data identified, the remarkable biographies of prominent personalities who shaped modern Romanian thinking and its culture, as well as the powerful messages heard at a continental scale between 1945 and 1989, it is France that emerged as the true centre of an exile which became representative of a Romanian nation under communist oppression, but more self-aware than ever before, at the level of its elites. Having narrowed the research question to a clearly-defined, albeit extremely complex, space and segment, our endeavour was constantly focused on the analysis of information that would ensure a high degree of originality. In fact, the topic of the Romanian diaspora seeking refuge in France has not been the topic of any historical thesis so far, which has marked a visible lack in the analyses of the particularly broad phenomenon of the Romanian exile. Nevertheless, the availability of ever more prominent materials on the life, activity and message of those personalities that were part of this category, such as biographies, personal and public archives, as well as complex studies on relevant subjects, paves the way for quality and deeply innovative research. The use of the French language for this thesis becomes a fruitful opportunity which broadens the horizon of access to valuable information, from the very area where the target group of our research was active. This is significant all the more because the sources our thesis relies on can be found in major French libraries and those of other western countries, whilst the papers and documents discovered in Romania are meant to complete an overall picture of this triangle of relations between the Romanian diaspora in France - perceived as a united front -, its adoptive nation and its country of origin.

Alors que les recherches sur la Crète romaine connaissent un nouveau dynamisme depuis une vingtaine d’années et que les fouilles conduites jusqu’à récemment en Cyrénaïque fournissent de plus en plus d’informations sur la période du Haut-Empire romain, le cadre administratif dans lequel vivaient ces deux régions de l’Orient hellénophone a paradoxalement été mis de côté. La double province de Crète-Cyrénaïque, créée à l’époque de Pompée et qui existe jusqu’à la Tétrarchie, a en effet très peu suscité l’attention des historiens, en raison de son caractère périphérique et de sa marginalité supposée. Cette thèse souhaite réévaluer le rôle historique de la Crète-Cyrénaïque au sein de l’Empire romain et analyser la façon dont les sociétés locales ont réagi à la domination de Rome. La première partie de la recherche s’intéresse à l’histoire administrative de la province, en étudiant la chronologie de sa création et les raisons qui ont conduit Rome à privilégier l’union des deux régions. Les fastes complets des promagistrats en poste en Crète-Cyrénaïque (proconsuls, légats, questeurs, procurateurs) sont établis ; l’organisation interne de la province est ensuite étudiée. Les deuxième et troisième parties se concentrent sur la vie des élites crétoises et cyrénéennes sous domination romaine à partir d’une analyse prosopographique. Sont d’abord proposés les portraits des grandes élites impériales : sénateurs crétois et cyrénéens, archontes du Panhellènion et grands-prêtres du culte des empereurs. On discute ensuite de l’évolution du milieu des notables locaux, en mettant en avant ce que l’entrée dans l’imperium romanum a changé pour eux, ainsi que les modifications de leurs modes de représentation et de leurs stratégies de domination sociale. De nombreux stemmata de grandes familles provinciales sont établis pour mieux rendre compte des réalités des élites locales de la période. / The last twenty years or so have seen a dramatic increase in the interest on Roman Crete, while long-standing archaeological excavations in Cyrenaica (when they were still possible) brought to light lots of information on the Roman period. However, the administrative setting which the two areas lived in during the High Empire remains almost completely unknown because of the historians’ disinterest in this double province of the Roman Empire. Created by Pompey and still a reality during the Tetrarchy, the province of Crete and Cyrene is often thought as a marginal and unsuccessful administrative entity, far away from Rome. The thesis aims at re-evaluating the historical role of the province in the Roman Empire and at analyzing the way local societies reacted to the Roman domination. The first part focuses on the administrative history of the province. The chronology of its creation is studied along with the reasons why Rome chose the administrative solution of the union. The fasti of the Roman magistrates in charge of the province are established and the internal organization of the province is analyzed. In the second and third parts, the life and evolution of local societies under Roman domination are discussed through a prosopographical analysis. Portraying the senators originating from Crete and Cyrenaica as well as the archontes of the Hadrianic panhellenic league and the high priests of the imperial cult gives valuable information on how local elites reached the superior strata of Roman society. But most of the aristocrats were only active locally and never got beyond their own city-states. Several stemmata of local families help to understand how the Roman Empire change the way of representing themselves and alter their strategies of social domination.

Cette thèse vise d’une part à déterminer la place qu’occupe la langue française dans la formation des élites d’aujourd’hui et d’autre part à essayer de saisir le rôle que jouent respectivement l'enseignement familial et la formation scolaire s’agissant de l’acquisition du capital linguistique. Pour ce faire, des enquêtes qualitatives ont été menées notamment auprès d’anciens élèves des grandes écoles, de leurs parents, ainsi que de professeurs de classes préparatoires. Ce travail débouche sur la mise en évidence de deux types de capital linguistique : l’un de nature plutôt culturelle, principalement développé dans le cadre familial ; l’autre de nature davantage technique, largement lié aux apprentissages scolaires. Les deux se révèlent essentiels pour la réussite aux concours d’entrée des grandes écoles et donc dans la formation des élites. / This thesis aims to study the importance of the French language within the training of contemporary elites in France. It also endeavours to determine how linguistic capital is acquired through family education and the school system respectively. Qualitative investigations have been conducted principally among former students of grandes écoles, their parents, as well as teachers working in post-secondary schools elitist sections. This study identifies two types of linguistic capital : one of a rather cultural nature, largely developed within the family sphere, and the other – more technical – acquired mainly through high-level school education. Both of them prove essential when it comes to entering the major grandes écoles. Both consequently contribute to the training of elites.

Está é uma tese sobre homens e bois. Através de pesquisa de campo em feiras agropecuárias, centrais de inseminação artificial, laboratórios, fazendas e do exame de registros genealógicos, manuais zootécnicos e outros textos e documentos publicados ou de arquivo, são explorados sob uma perspectiva antropológica aspectos e conceitos do âmbito do parentesco, das biotecnologias, da economia, das políticas de Estado relacionados a um segmento particular da pecuária no Brasil: o gado de elite. A pecuária de elite é um ramo da bovinocultura que produz espécimes reprodutores desenvolvidos para melhorar a qualidade de espécimes de comuns, de corte, que são encaminhados aos frigoríficos. Ao mesmo tempo, esse ramo se realiza em alto grau de autonomia em relação à pecuária de corte, constituindo um mercado com regras e atores específicos. O trabalho se concentra sobre a narrativa de uma invenção brasileira, do Triângulo Mineiro o gado zebu , que como tantas outras invenções nacionais, se fez a partir de investimentos nas ideias de sangue, família e raça. Zebus são, por excelência, de elite no Brasil e sua constituição mobiliza conceitos de sangue, genes, genealogia, raça, mestiçagem, pureza (entre outros), que se consolidam ao passo que aos animais é atribuído valor de mercado. O mercado de gado de elite, que contemporaneamente mobiliza cifras milionárias através da venda de bovinos em leilões, do uso de biotecnologias e da venda de células reprodutivas (sêmen e embriões), determina o valor das reses e de seus criadores, de zebus e de zebuzeiros. A invenção e realização deste ramo da pecuária, mais que zootécnica, é sobretudo política, pois trata da consolidação de elites de bovinos e elites de criadores no Brasil. / This is a thesis about men and oxen. Through field research on agricultural fairs, artificial insemination centers, laboratories, farms and examining genealogical records, husbandry manuals, as well as other texts, published documents or archives. In this thesis, aspects of the framework and concepts of kinship, biotechnologies, the economy, government policies relating to a particular segment of livestock in Brazil - the cattle elite - will all be explored from an anthropological perspective. The cattle elite is a branch of breeding cattle that produces specimens developed to improve the quality of specimens of common cutting, which are sent to slaughterhouses. At the same time, this branch carries a high degree of autonomy in relation to beef cattle, constituting a market with specific rules and actors. The work focuses on the narrative of a Brazilian invention, from the Triângulo Mineiro the zebu cattle - which like so many other national inventions was made from investments in the ideas of blood, family and race. Zebu cattle are, per excellence, the cattle elite in Brazil, and its constitution mobilizes concepts of blood, genes, genealogy, race, miscegenation and purity (among others), which consolidate these animals market value. The cattle market elite - which simultaneously mobilizes millions in money by selling at auctions, by the use of biotechnology and by the sales of reproductive cells (semen and embryos), determining the value of the cattle and their owners, i.e the zebu and the zebuzeiros (zebu breeders). The invention and implementation of this branch of husbandry, more than zootechnical, is actually political, because it pertains to the consolidation of the elites of cattle and the elites of family breeders in Brazil.

Submitted by Fabricia Fialho Reginato (fabriciar) on 2015-07-18T00:15:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AniBorn.pdf: 10546807 bytes, checksum: 38d07c714ca916f43f80ae0d38dd219f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-07-18T00:15:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AniBorn.pdf: 10546807 bytes, checksum: 38d07c714ca916f43f80ae0d38dd219f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-01-14 / ESPM - Escola Superior de Propaganda e Marketing / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo principal, sob a ótica da comunicação, compreender os sentidos de elite representados pelos discursos do colunismo social (produção e produto) a partir de um estudo de caso do Programa Sociedade, veiculado tanto na televisão quanto na web. O Programa Sociedade é uma produção independente do apresentador Odalgir Lazzari, que possui abrangência local (Porto Alegre), foco no público pertencente às classes sociais A e B (elite econômico-financeira). Está há 10 anos no mercado, possui premiações e é veiculado tanto na televisão, desde julho de 2000 pela Net Cidade Porto Alegre, quanto pelo portal TVI, desde março de 2008. Para empreender a resolução do objetivo principal, inicialmente contextualiza-se o Programa Sociedade, perpassando pelas características dos meios de comunicação em que ele é veiculado (televisão por assinatura e web), pelas convergências das mídias até jornalismo na web, com ênfase para as gerações do jornalismo e jornalismo de portal. A partir disso, apresenta-se o desenho metodológico embasado em uma vertente qualitativa, composto por movimentos de pesquisa da pesquisa, pesquisa teórica, pesquisa exploratória e pesquisa empírica. Com o intuito de avançar no referencial teórico, parte-se para a reflexão sobre categorias, gêneros e subgêneros jornalísticos, chegando ao colunismo social. Sendo assim, trabalha-se a história do colunismo social e os colunistas sociais matriciais, além de destacar as instituições de colunistas sociais e a fragmentação do colunismo social atual. A discussão da noção de “elite” também é outro aspecto importante, pois revela-se os subconceitos de distinção social e poder. Há ainda o resgate das elites através da história e posteriormente das elites porto-alegrenses. Com base nisso, realiza-se a análise da produção Programa Sociedade quanto à elaboração (competitividade industrial, competência comunicativa, níveis e fases de produção, ideologias profissionais, rotinas de produção e estratégia de comercialização); aos elementos do Programa Sociedade que associam à representação de elite(s) e ao entendimento sobre elites e colunismo social. Realiza-se também a análise do produto Programa Sociedade quanto aos mecanismos (estratégias discursivas) utilizados para representar a(s) elite(s) e o(s) tipo(s) de elite(s) apresentado(s). Dentre os principais resultados, verifica-se que os participantes do programa entrevistados e os colunistas sociais Walter Winchell, Manuel Müller, Ibrahim Sued e Amaury Jr. possuem muitas semelhanças com Odalgir, revelando características que estão intimamente ligadas aos aspectos de distinção. Percebe-se também que o apresentador articula uma rede de associações, cujo eixo central é o relacionamento, para representar uma elite que está imbricada ao acesso ao consumo e à utilização de determinados produtos, trabalhando diversos elementos como o vestuário, a idade, a aparência, os padrões de linguagem, as expressões corporais, a decoração, o mobiliário. Nota-se ainda que as elites buscam gostos para se diferenciarem socialmente, sejam através de elementos comercializáveis (joias, espumante, perfume, roupas) ou de elementos não comercializáveis (reconhecimento, prestígio, beleza, poder, inteligência), sendo muitos deles já sinalizadores de distinção social em épocas anteriores. / The main objective of the present study, from the perspective of communication, is understand the meanings of elite represented by the discourses of gossip column (production and product) from a case study of the Programa Sociedade, on TV and the web. Programa Sociedade is an independent production of presenter Odalgir Lazzari, which has local coverage (Porto Alegre/Brazil), focus on the audience belonging to social classes A and B (financial-economic elite). The program are in the market for 10 years, has many awards and is broadcast both on television, since July 2000 by Net Cidade Porto Alegre,, as the TVI website since March 2008. To undertake the resolution of the main goal, initially contextualizes the Programa Sociedade, passing by the characteristics of the media in which it is broadcast (pay TV and web), the convergence of media journalism to the Web, with emphasis on the generation journalism and journalism portal. From this, we present the methodological approach grounded in a qualitative component, consisting of movements of the survey research, theoretical research, exploratory and empirical research. In order to advance the theoretical reference, we proceed to consideration of categories, kind and subkinds of journalism, even to the gossip column. Thus, it works the story of gossip column and matrix social columnist, in addition to highlighting the institutions of gossip columnists and the fragmentation of current gossip columnist. The discussion of the concept of "elite" is also another important aspect, because it proves the subconcepts of social distinction and power. There is also the redemption of elites throughout history and subsequently the elite of Porto Alegre/Brazil. On this basis, we perform analysis of current Programa Sociedade for the preparation (industrial competitiveness, communicative competence, levels and stages of production, professional ideologies, practices of production and marketing strategy), to members of the Programa Sociedade involving the representation elite (s) and the understanding of elites and gossip columnist. It's also the analysis of the product as to the mechanisms Programa Sociedade (discursive strategies) used to represent elite and type or types elite. Among the results, it appears that the program participants interviewed and the gossip columnists Walter Winchell, Manuel Müller, Ibrahim Sued Amaury Jr. and have many similarities to Odalgir, revealing features that are closely linked to aspects of distinction. It is also evident that the presenter articulates a network of associations, whose main thrust is the relationship, to represent elite that is embedded access to consumption and the use of certain products, working various elements such as clothing, age, appearance and patterns of language, body language, decoration, furniture. Note also that elites seek to differentiate themselves socially tastes, whether through tradable items (jewelry, champagne, perfume, clothes) or non-tradable elements (recognition, prestige, beauty, power, intelligence), and many of them have flags of social distinction in earlier times.