Submitted by Setor de Tratamento da Informa??o - BC/PUCRS (tede2@pucrs.br) on 2016-04-19T14:43:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_AMANDA_CHIAMENTI_BOTH_COMPLETO.pdf: 1048903 bytes, checksum: edfae7d87511628d9cf72a0b167682f0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-19T14:43:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_AMANDA_CHIAMENTI_BOTH_COMPLETO.pdf: 1048903 bytes, checksum: edfae7d87511628d9cf72a0b167682f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-01 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / This master thesis analyzes the ways of articulation between the elite of a city and the Imperial State, through the acting of some individuals who mediated the interactions between this parts. Therefore, we elected as scenario the city of Jaguar?o, that is located in the southwest border of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, because there were born Henrique d??vila and Jose Diana, two politicians that have threshed successful careers along the second half of XIX century, but they remained linked to the place they were born. Firstly we proceed to a characterization of the local elite which we were dealing it, what revealed traces of a closed and conservative elite. On the other hand, researching the trajectory of these individuals that performed the role of mediators, we found that they and their families were deeply intertwined with the elite of the city, what is, incluiding, one of the factors that enabled they to acting as mediators between the locality and the external world. However, a number of elements determines the ability of mediation of this individuals, as the relations they keep inside and, specially, out of the locality, of the positions they occupied and the prestigie that they had in a specific moment. Therefore, with variable efficiency according the listed conditions, the elite of Jaguar?o had their interests represented in the government, indicating the active role of the local elites in the process of construction and maintenance of the Imperial State. / O presente trabalho analisa as formas de articula??o entre a elite de uma localidade e o Estado Imperial, atrav?s da atua??o de alguns indiv?duos que mediaram as intera??es entre essas partes. Para tanto, elegemos como cen?rio o munic?pio de Jaguar?o, localizado na fronteira sudoeste do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, pois l? nasceram Henrique d??vila e Jos? Diana, dois pol?ticos que trilharam carreiras de sucesso ao longo da segunda metade do s?culo XIX, mas continuaram vinculados ao lugar onde nasceram. Em primeiro lugar, procedemos a uma caracteriza??o da elite local da qual est?vamos tratando, o que revelou tra?os de uma elite fechada e conservadora. Por outro lado, investigando as trajet?rias desses indiv?duos que desempenharam a fun??o de mediadores, verificamos que eles e suas fam?lias estavam profundamente entrela?ados com a elite do munic?pio, sendo este, inclusive, um dos fatores que os habilitavam a atuar como mediadores entre os a localidade e o mundo externo. Contudo, uma s?rie de elementos determinava a capacidade de media??o desses indiv?duos como rela??es que mantinham dentro e, especialmente, fora da localidade, dos cargos que ocupavam e o prest?gio que dispunham num momento espec?fico. Assim, com efetividade vari?vel conforme as condicionantes elencadas, a elite de Jaguar?o teve seus interesses representados junto ao governo, indicando o papel ativo das elites locais no processo de constru??o e manuten??o do Estado Imperial.

A presente dissertação tem por objectivo central fazer a caracterização sociológica e política da elite portuense, que desempenhou os cargos políticos de vereadores e presidentes da Câmara Municipal e Governadores Civis, na cidade do Porto, durante o período de institucionalização e consolidação do Estado Novo (1926-1945). Trata-se um estudo exploratório que se sustenta num levantamento biográfico, permitindo caracterizar e reflectir sobre quem desempenhou cargos de direcção e administração da vida política local durante o período de transição de regime republicano para o regime ditatorial e na fase de consolidação do Estado Novo. Neste sentido foi privilegiado o método prosopográfico, o qual permitiu não só conhecer a(s) biografia(s) desta elite, mas também traçar a carreira-padrão, as ideologias políticas de quem administrou o Porto e ainda estabelecer as rupturas e continuidades na lógica de recrutamento do poder local. As fontes seleccionadas para a realização deste estudo estão incluídas nos Arquivos Históricos de várias instituições portuenses e no Arquivo Histórico Militar de Lisboa. Procedeu-se ainda ao levantamento de informação contida em vários jornais locais e nacionais e em de obras de compilação biográfica. Nesta tese procura-se sustentar a ideia de que o Estado Novo para se institucionalizar e consolidar na cidade do Porto criou uma “nova elite”, constituída por indivíduos relativamente jovens, sem passado político, com formação universitária, que se dedicavam especialmente às actividades liberais e à docência, e que tiveram origem social, na sua maioria, em famílias consideradas ilustres e em elites de interesses económicos.

En partant de l’évidence de l’apparition d’un groupe de nouveaux riches promus par le socialisme bolivarien de Hugo Chávez, cette thèse met en évidence les effets contradictoires de l’État pétrolier au Venezuela en montrant qu’ils sont le résultat de la non-coordination de cette doube structure étatique. Les États pétroliers sont significatifs pour la théorie de l’État en ce que leurs actions publiques sont particulièrement soumises à des contraintes économiques. D’une part, s’ils bénéficient d’une autonomie relativement large par rapport au monde économique national, une partie des recettes publiques dépend en revanche, des ventes dans des marchés internationaux sur lesquels l’État n’a aucun pouvoir. La condition pour maintenir ces recettes en dollars est d’entretenir une politique industrielle qui lui assure des rentrées. D’autre part, puisque le monde économique national existe dans les États pétroliers et qu’il génère une fraction non négligeable de ses revenus - notamment au travers de l’impôt à la consommation et à l’importation - il doit contribuer à générer des conditions économiques qui garantissent un niveau de consommation relativement stable. Ainsi de par cette dualité de contraintes, l’État pétrolier au Venezuela a une double structure d’action qui génère des stimuli, en apparence contradictoire envers le monde économique. La structure propre de ces types d’États segmente l’espace social et contraint les stratégies des élites économiques y agissant. / The evidence of the bolibourgeois (the new rich of the bolivarian revolution headed by Hugo Chávez) reveals an uncoordinated dual institutional structure generating mixed-incentives. This type of institutional structure is prevalent in oil countries and states suck in the middle-income trap. In these countries, where industrial policy is a political necessity, an uncoordinated state is usually the norm. In these states, the strategies of the business elites follow the incentives generated by this theorized institutional structure. The strategies of the business elites match the state’s – at first glance, schizophrenic, – mixed-incentives strategy. A first group of agents sells technological goods to the state through direct contracts signed in hard currency (major infrastructure deals, equipment for the energy sector, joint ventures, etc.). A second group sells a basket of regulated products and unregulated products: covering the loss of the former with the revenues of the latter. These business elites’ strategy consisted in surviving and expanding their markets shares as the tight controls swept the less performant – usually smaller – companies in their sectors. Finally, in between these two ways of using the state, a third group of economic corsairs, had a niche strategy, building their companies on the “cracks” of the Venezuelan economy. In our set, the agents from the correct social milieu filled the niches in the private sector. Those with less prestigious upbringing sold to the state. The latter fit the social description of a bolibourgeois. Finally, we show that, these institutional incentives, do not affect the economic structure homogeneously.

This document is an ethnographic account of one researcher's experience during an election season spent with one candidate. The document considers the history of political anthropology as a subfield of anthropology, the deployment of ideology and hegemony as theoretical concepts, and includes a brief history of Tampa and Hillsborough County politics. The document attempts to make connections between the practical necessities of campaigning, with reference to the processual approach of examining micro-political process, and theoretical issues related to the subject of political anthropology, notably the concepts of ideology, hegemony, and the subject of elites in human social organization.

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: José Luis Bendicho Beired / Banca: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Sezinando Luiz Menezes / Banca: João Fernando Pelho Ferreira / Resumo: Introduzido como esporte e apreciado por setores privilegiados da sociedade, o futebol difundiu-se no primeiro quartel do século XX entre as camadas mais populares do Brasil. Apesar da ação repressiva governamental, é provável que a nascente burguesia industrial brasileira tenha observado na prática um elemento também capaz de promover suas marcas, além de disciplinar operários ao promover a ocupação do tempo de lazer dos trabalhadores e impulsionar o gasto de energia dos mesmos com atividades desvinculadas da produção fabril, em plena fase de explosão do movimento operário brasileiro sob forte influência de anarquistas, anarco-sindicalistas e comunistas. A partir da década de 1930, o Estado brasileiro, sob o comando de Getúlio Vargas, conteve as mobilizações promovidas pelos trabalhadores ao enquadrar tanto a classe operária quanto a burguesia industrial sob seu controle; para tanto, um dos elementos utilizados foi o futebol que, além de instrumento de desmobilização política, serviu à edificação de certa identidade nacional, não sem o uso da mídia, em pleno período do Estado Novo (1937-1945). O sucesso do Brasil na Copa de 1938, realizada na França, teria dado consistência às intenções varguistas. Este trabalho analisa como, no Brasil, o futebol ganhou consistência entre populares e trabalhadores, proporcionado por indivíduos e grupos, não sem interesses, e como a base serviu às ações varguistas, não sem devolutivas / Abstract: Introduced as a sport and appreciated by privileged sectors of society, football spread in the first quarter of the twentieth century among the most popular layers in Brazil. Despite the government's repressive action, it is likely that the nascent Brazilian industrial bourgeoisie has observed in practice an element that is also capable of promoting its brands, as well as disciplining workers by promoting the occupation of workers' leisure time and boosting their energy expenditure with activities unrelated to factory production, in the midst of an explosion of the Brazilian labor movement under the strong influence of anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists and communists. From the 1930s, the Brazilian state, under the command of Getúlio Vargas, contained the mobilizations promoted by the workers by framing both the working class and the industrial bourgeoisie under their control; For this purpose, one of the elements used was soccer, which, in addition to being an instrument of political demobilization, served to build a certain national identity, not without the use of the media, during the Estado Novo period (1937-1945). The success of Brazil in the 1938 World Cup, held in France, would have given consistency to Vargas' intentions. This paper analyzes how soccer in Brazil won a consistency between the popular and the workers, provided by individuals and groups, not without interests, and how the base served Vargas actions, not without devolutions / Doutor

Since the late 1960s of the 20th century, Bulgaria experienced a great increase in organized crime. As a result, relations between the managers of state-owned enterprises, the state security service, party officials, and criminal actors grew and became stronger. Parts of the old network are still functioning. Through the support of governmental circles, organized crime became established and dominated essential parts of the economy, from the mid-1990s. Since 1996, however, governments tried to act against organized crime. The influence of the mafia is still an unsolved problem and a challenge to the transformation of the country.

Inhalt: Mit Linz und Loewenstein – Zum Begriff des autoritären Regimes Von Wellen und blinden Flecken in der Komparatistik Autoritäre Regime im 21. Jahrhundert – Ein Überblick Schleichender Autoritarismus im Westen Autoritäre Wende des Kapitalismus?

Inhalt: 1. Fragestellungen und State of the Art 1.1 Forschungsfragen 1.2 Über den Stand der Forschung 1.3 Opposition in autoritären Regimen – klassisch und aktuell 2. Analyseschritte 2.1 Opposition in politischen Systemen 2.2 Handlungsdimensionen der Opposition 2.3 Idealtypen der Opposition in autoritären Regimen 2.4 Fünf forschungsleitende Hypothesen 3. Literaturverzeichnis

Welche Rolle hat die politische Opposition in autoritären Regimen? Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier formuliert generelle Überlegungen zum Phänomen des Autoritarismus im 21. Jahrhundert und entwickelt ein Konzept, mit dem regionenübergreifend das politische Agieren der Opposition in autoritären Regimen analysiert werden kann.

The experience and history shaped by various political groups in the modern history of Taiwan has left a significant mark in the hearts of the island¡¦s citizens. Ever since the 1990¡¦s, even the KMT, a party that had always regarded China ethnicity as the essence of localization, has gradually altered its insistence towards a less constrained attitude. As a result of this, the difference in national identity and the notion of culture emerges, leading Taiwan into an era of liberated ideas about national identity. Lee Teng Hiu was the first citizen elected president of Rublic of China, Taiwan. He was brought up during the Japanese occupation, but accepted the radical political changes brought by the national government after the war. During his political career, he had experienced colonial, autocratic, authoritative, and democratic government systems. The combination of Japanese, Chinese, and American education during his academic pursuit had opened up his unique perspective of the world. Profoundly influenced by Kitaro Nishita¡¦s topical philosophy, the samurai spirit of Nitobe Inazo, Christian doctrines, and Marxism and Hegel¡¦s logical thinking, Lee found the motivation to authenticate his principles. In fact, the personal biography of Lee himself, is pretty much a representation of the modern history of Taiwan. Because Lee is one of the most influential political elites in the history of Taiwan, his notion of the awareness of Taiwan and his comprehension and treatment of Mainland China also had a profound influence on the people of Taiwan in terms of their memories of history and collective identity. Thus, to understand how this collective identity had developed and transformed throughout the history of Taiwan, it is essential to scrutinize Lee¡¦s awareness of China, and the origin of his learning. This research seeks to discuss the formation of Lee¡¦s concept of identity, whether or not the key of this identity has evolved, and how that sense of identity has roamed. This will be done through the analysis of the Taiwanese social structure during Lee¡¦s upbringing, restoring the Taiwanese society during the Japanese occupation of the Taisho and Showa dynasties, where the origin of his historical perspective on Mainland China came from, and also his concepts and experiences during adulthood. Lastly, the same notion of identity of his contemporaries will be compared in order to comprehend the origin of influence of the identity of Taiwan in Lee. After all, this sense of identity of the political elites will conceptualize, theorize, and the electoral issues will continuously influence the public notion of national identity. Thus, the clarification of the elite¡¦s notion will allow the understanding the identity at a subterranean level.