Masters of Commerce / Highly enriched uranium (HEU) is one of the most dangerous materials in the world, because it is a key ingredient in making a nuclear bomb. If a terrorist organisation can get HEU, it would be close to making a nuclear bomb. After South Africa disarmed its nuclear weapons, it kept HEU that was extracted from the nuclear bombs. The US tried to persuade South Africa to blend down its HEU into low enriched uranium (LEU) or give it up for safekeeping. However, South Africa refused to give it up. After a breach at Pelindaba, a national key point facility where South Africa stores its HEU, the US intensified its efforts to pressure South Africa to give its HEU up. It even promised incentives to South Africa should they agree to give it up, but South Africa refused. The US used the nuclear terrorism narrative to justify its initiative to eliminate vulnerable materials in the world. However, South Africa is yet to be swayed. This is odd since South Africa's refusal can negatively affect its credentials as a nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament champion and its image as a norm entrepreneur. The objective of the study was to understand the role played by HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. It was to explore HEU as a factor in the state's nuclear diplomacy and to understand the power of having HEU in nuclear negotiations, as well as what SA intends to do with its HEU. The study is framed theoretically by drawing on foreign policy theory, namely middle-power theory, and revisionism. It juxtaposed middle power, reformist, and revisionist positions with status quo foreign policy to analyse the role of HEU in South Africa's nuclear diplomacy. As a middle power with a moral high ground, South Africa hoped that it can affect change in the nuclear regime. However, when this did not occur its foreign policy shifted to a revisionist character that is discontent with the status quo in the nuclear regime. SA is dissatisfied with the current nuclear order and wants it revised towards liberal values such as equality and non-discrimination. It views the current nuclear order as nuclear apartheid. Therefore, South Africa uses HEU as leverage against nuclear weapon states in nuclear diplomacy. It is using HEU as an act of defiance against nuclear weapon states (such as the US) that are yet to disarm their nuclear weapons.

The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.

A questão das armas nucleares continua a figurar como um ponto central das Relações Internacionais Os esforços e ações concretas para o desarmamento, a não-proliferação e o controle das armas nucleares continuam sendo temas que geram tensões recorrentes entre os Estados. No entanto, no Brasil, são poucas as análises de caráter acadêmico acerca destes temas e, no que tange ao posicionamento corrente e prospectivo do Estado brasileiro no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares, os estudos e análises são ainda mais escassos, ou incipientes. Tendo como objeto de estudo o Tratado sobre a Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (TNP), o Regime dele decorrente e o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro nesse Regime, a dissertação está estruturada em três eixos: o primeiro contempla o papel das armas nucleares na percepção de segurança dos Estados; o segundo abrange o TNP e o Regime dele decorrente; o terceiro analisa o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro no Regime em pauta. Assim, em síntese, a pesquisa efetuada contemplou os motivos que levam os Estados à decisão de desenvolver armas nucleares; a gênese do TNP e a evolução da percepção do significado desse Tratado por parte dos Estados; bem como o processo e o grau de inserção do Brasil no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares. A pesquisa efetuada buscou colocar o presente objeto de estudo no debate mais amplo das Relações Internacionais, tomando como base as abordagens consagradas da disciplina na questão do gerenciamento da segurança dos Estados, isto é, as duas abordagens que constituem o mainstream da disciplina, a perspectiva teórica liberal (e suas variantes neoliberais) e o pensamento realista (e neo-realista). Dessa forma, as conclusões obtidas valeram-se de lentes teóricas distintas, porém necessárias para a compreensão das partes específicas de um conjunto complexo e das conexões causais entre essas partes. / The issue of nuclear weapons continues to appear as a focal point of International Relations. The efforts and concrete actions on disarmament, non-proliferation, and nuclear arms control are still issues that generate recurring tensions between States. However, in Brazil, there is little analysis of an academic nature about these issues and, with respect to current and prospective position of the Brazilian State in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime, studies and analysis are even more scarce, or incipient. The present dissertation has as its object of study to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Regime arisen from NPT, and the Brazilian State insertion process in this Regime. Therefore our research work is structured in three areas: the first one is about the role of nuclear weapons in States security perception, the second is about NPT and its Regime, the third runs over the insertion of the Brazilian state in this regime. So, in summary, the research performed included the reasons that make a State to develop nuclear weapons, the NPT genesis and evolution of the perception of the meaning of that Treaty by the States, and the process and the degree of insertion of Brazil in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime. The inquiry sought to place this object of study in the broader debate on Foreign Relations, based on the approaches of the discipline devoted to the question of managing the security of States, id est, the two approaches that constitute the mainstream of the discipline: the perspective theoretical liberal (and neoliberal variants) and realistic thinking (and neo-realist). Thus, we have used different theoretical lenses, which we think necessary for understanding the specific parts and causal connections between these parts of a complex issue.

A questão das armas nucleares continua a figurar como um ponto central das Relações Internacionais Os esforços e ações concretas para o desarmamento, a não-proliferação e o controle das armas nucleares continuam sendo temas que geram tensões recorrentes entre os Estados. No entanto, no Brasil, são poucas as análises de caráter acadêmico acerca destes temas e, no que tange ao posicionamento corrente e prospectivo do Estado brasileiro no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares, os estudos e análises são ainda mais escassos, ou incipientes. Tendo como objeto de estudo o Tratado sobre a Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares (TNP), o Regime dele decorrente e o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro nesse Regime, a dissertação está estruturada em três eixos: o primeiro contempla o papel das armas nucleares na percepção de segurança dos Estados; o segundo abrange o TNP e o Regime dele decorrente; o terceiro analisa o processo de inserção do Estado brasileiro no Regime em pauta. Assim, em síntese, a pesquisa efetuada contemplou os motivos que levam os Estados à decisão de desenvolver armas nucleares; a gênese do TNP e a evolução da percepção do significado desse Tratado por parte dos Estados; bem como o processo e o grau de inserção do Brasil no Regime de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares. A pesquisa efetuada buscou colocar o presente objeto de estudo no debate mais amplo das Relações Internacionais, tomando como base as abordagens consagradas da disciplina na questão do gerenciamento da segurança dos Estados, isto é, as duas abordagens que constituem o mainstream da disciplina, a perspectiva teórica liberal (e suas variantes neoliberais) e o pensamento realista (e neo-realista). Dessa forma, as conclusões obtidas valeram-se de lentes teóricas distintas, porém necessárias para a compreensão das partes específicas de um conjunto complexo e das conexões causais entre essas partes. / The issue of nuclear weapons continues to appear as a focal point of International Relations. The efforts and concrete actions on disarmament, non-proliferation, and nuclear arms control are still issues that generate recurring tensions between States. However, in Brazil, there is little analysis of an academic nature about these issues and, with respect to current and prospective position of the Brazilian State in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime, studies and analysis are even more scarce, or incipient. The present dissertation has as its object of study to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Regime arisen from NPT, and the Brazilian State insertion process in this Regime. Therefore our research work is structured in three areas: the first one is about the role of nuclear weapons in States security perception, the second is about NPT and its Regime, the third runs over the insertion of the Brazilian state in this regime. So, in summary, the research performed included the reasons that make a State to develop nuclear weapons, the NPT genesis and evolution of the perception of the meaning of that Treaty by the States, and the process and the degree of insertion of Brazil in the Nuclear Weapons Non-Proliferation Regime. The inquiry sought to place this object of study in the broader debate on Foreign Relations, based on the approaches of the discipline devoted to the question of managing the security of States, id est, the two approaches that constitute the mainstream of the discipline: the perspective theoretical liberal (and neoliberal variants) and realistic thinking (and neo-realist). Thus, we have used different theoretical lenses, which we think necessary for understanding the specific parts and causal connections between these parts of a complex issue.

Text in English / Energy is the natural power stored in matter which can be potential and kinetic energy. This occurs in nature in various forms such as chemical energy, thermal energy, electromagnetic radiation, gravitational energy, electric energy, elastic energy, nuclear energy, and rest energy. The scientific research relating to nuclear energy has revealed that atoms are the foundation of matter. In 1905 Albert Einstein initiated the quantum revolution utilising the Newtonian mass-energy equivalence concept in order to put his famous equation: E =mc2, where energy is (E). This facilitated the nuclear research which focused on manufacturing the first atomic bomb. In 1945 the USA acquired its first two atomic bombs which were dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima, killing 200 000 people; mostly civilians. But nuclear energy research has been redirected by scientists in order to industrialise nuclear technology in order to address growing power needs. This encouraged policy makers to consider the risks posed by utilising nuclear energy for civil purposes. The shift towards peaceful nuclear energy applications has been motivated by the many valuable contributions to humankind which nuclear energy offers - for instance in the fields of energy generation, human health, agriculture and industry. The nature of nuclear energy lends itself to becoming an important component of the world energy and global economic system. Nuclear energy is a viable option for many countries including South Africa, because it offers an economic and clean source of electricity; the primary engine for socio-economic development. South Africa operates the only two nuclear power reactors in Africa, (Koeberg 1 and Koeberg 2) generating 1.8 GWe. South Africa’s energy supply infrastructure consists fundamentally of coal-fired power plants which pose serious threats to the environment. Therefore, it is assumed that the planned 9.6 GW of new nuclear capacity by 2030 will meet the requirements of South Africa’s policy regarding the diversification of available energy resources to secure energy supply, support economic growth, and contribute to environmental management. Consequently, the legal system which governs nuclear energy programme is intended to prohibit the proliferation of nuclear weapons, ensure security and maintain the safe operation of nuclear facilities. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LL.D.

Energy is the natural power stored in matter which can be potential and kinetic energy. This occurs in nature in various forms such as chemical energy, thermal energy, electromagnetic radiation, gravitational energy, electric energy, elastic energy, nuclear energy, and rest energy. The scientific research relating to nuclear energy has revealed that atoms are the foundation of matter. In 1905 Albert Einstein initiated the quantum revolution utilising the Newtonian mass-energy equivalence concept in order to put his famous equation: E =mc2, where energy is (E). This facilitated the nuclear research which focused on manufacturing the first atomic bomb. In 1945 the USA acquired its first two atomic bombs which were dropped on Nagasaki and Hiroshima, killing 200 000 people; mostly civilians. But nuclear energy research has been redirected by scientists in order to industrialise nuclear technology in order to address growing power needs. This encouraged policy makers to consider the risks posed by utilising nuclear energy for civil purposes. The shift towards peaceful nuclear energy applications has been motivated by the many valuable contributions to humankind which nuclear energy offers - for instance in the fields of energy generation, human health, agriculture and industry. The nature of nuclear energy lends itself to becoming an important component of the world energy and global economic system. Nuclear energy is a viable option for many countries including South Africa, because it offers an economic and clean source of electricity; the primary engine for socio-economic development. South Africa operates the only two nuclear power reactors in Africa, (Koeberg 1 and Koeberg 2) generating 1.8 GWe. South Africa’s energy supply infrastructure consists fundamentally of coal-fired power plants which pose serious threats to the environment. Therefore, it is assumed that the planned 9.6 GW of new nuclear capacity by 2030 will meet the requirements of South Africa’s policy regarding the diversification of available energy resources to secure energy supply, support economic growth, and contribute to environmental management. Consequently, the legal system which governs nuclear energy programme is intended to prohibit the proliferation of nuclear weapons, ensure security and maintain the safe operation of nuclear facilities. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LL. D.

L’arme nucléaire, arme de destruction massive par excellence, est unique en son genre par son potentiel de destruction inédit et par le caractère indiscriminé de ses frappes. Véritable menace pour l’humanité, ce type d’arme se doit d’être encadré par un régime conventionnel international de non-prolifération et de désarmement des armes nucléaires fort et complet. Dans les faits, celui-ci comporte des lacunes. Ce mémoire s’intéresse au mécanisme de retrait de ce régime conventionnel international. Plus particulièrement, nous proposons une analyse de la procédure de dénonciation retrouvée dans le Traité sur la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires de 1968 (TNP), pièce maîtresse du régime, et dans le Traité New Start de 2010, seul traité en vigueur entre les deux superpuissances nucléaires, les États-Unis et la Russie. L’étude du retrait de la Corée du Nord du TNP en 2003 ainsi que des enseignements du régime général de droit international introduit par la Convention de Vienne sur le droit des traités de 1969 viennent approfondir l’examen. On dévoile un mécanisme de retrait somme toute peu contraignant reposant largement sur le pouvoir arbitraire de l’État partie, malgré la menace importante pour la paix et pour la sécurité internationales engendrée par une telle décision. Jumelée à des mesures de suivi quasi inexistantes pour donner suite au retrait d’un État du TNP, cette situation laisse la communauté internationale face à une situation hautement dangereuse. À la lumière du mécanisme de retrait retrouvé dans l’Union européenne et tel qu’illustré par le récent cas du Brexit, ce mémoire propose de possibles pistes de solution pour renforcer le mécanisme de retrait du cadre juridique international de non-prolifération et de désarmement des armes nucléaires. / Nuclear weapons, the apex of weapons of mass destruction, are unique in the facet that they have an unprecedented potential for destruction, as well as in the fact that nuclear strikes are indiscriminate. This type of weapon, which represents a real threat to humanity, must be regulated by a strong and complete international conventional regimen of non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament. Nonetheless, the latter suffers from deficiencies. This master’s thesis focuses on the withdrawal mechanism found in this international legal field. The spotlight is more specifically directed on its cornerstone treaty, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of 1968 (NPT), and on the New Start Treaty of 2010, the only agreement which regulates the nuclear stockpiles of the nuclear superpowers, Russia and the United States of America. The analysis is enhanced by the study of the 2003 North-Korean withdrawal from the NPT and of the principles introduced by the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 1969. A rather soft withdrawal mechanism, which relies largely on the discretion of the State party, is revealed, despite the threat to international peace and security a decision to withdraw represents. This deficiency, paired with inexistent follow-up measures, leaves the international community facing a highly dangerous situation. The examination of the more substantiated withdrawal mechanism found in the European Union’s body of law, as illustrated by the Brexit, allows us to suggest possible solutions to strengthen the NPT withdrawal mechanism as well as potential follow-up measures to be implemented following the withdrawal of a State party.

Tous les États sans discrimination ont un droit inaliénable de développer les utilisations de l'énergie nucléaire à des fins civiles, à condition de ne pas détourner ces utilisations pacifiques vers des armes nucléaires. Cependant, il est accordé à cinq pays le droit de posséder ces armes, à savoir les États-Unis, la France, la Russie, la Chine et le Royaume-Uni. Autour de cette position, un vif débat à la fois juridique et éthique a été soulevé. En effet, pour ses opposants, le nucléaire représente un risque durable et non maîtrisable par la science. Les accidents nucléaires majeurs, les déchets radioactifs et le détournement du nucléaire à des fins militaires sont des risques ingérables et d‟une gravité exceptionnelle. En revanche, les défenseurs de cette énergie la présentent comme sûre, voire partie prenante du développement durable. Selon eux, le nucléaire est un moyen fiable de lutter contre le réchauffement climatique et aussi une solution à la pénurie énergétique à laquelle le monde est confronté. En examinant et analysant la fiabilité et la crédibilité de tous les arguments allant à l‟encontre et en faveur de cette industrie, on constate que la licéité et la légitimité du recours à l'énergie nucléaire sont mal fondées. Par conséquent, nous estimons qu‟il est nécessaire de dépasser le nucléaire par la conclusion d'une convention internationale posant l'interdiction progressive mais complète du nucléaire. / All states without discrimination have an inalienable right to develop the uses of nuclear energy for civilian purposes, provided they do not divert these peaceful uses to nuclear weapons. However, five states have been granted the right to possess these weapons, that is : United-States, France, Russia, China and United-Kingdom. Around this position a fierce debate, both legal and ethical, has been raised. Indeed for its opponents nuclear represents a persistent risk that is non controllable by science. Major nuclear accidents, radioactive wastes and the use of nuclear for military purposes are unmanageable risks of exceptionnal serious gravity. On the other hand, the proponents of this energy present it as safe, even as part of sustainable development. According to them, nuclear is a reliable means to fight global warming and is also a solution to the energy shortage the world is facing. When analyzing the reliability and the credibility of all arguments for and against this industry, it can be noticed that the lawfulness and legitimacy of the use of nuclear energy are ill-founded. Therefore, we believe there is a need to go beyond nuclear with the conclusion of an international convention dealing with the progressive but comprehensive nuclear ban.