(anglický jazyk) The purpose of this thesis is to clarify the activities of United Nations' peacekeep-ing operations and thus provide an answer to the question of how and with what results they contribute to providing international peace and security. The work deals with peace-keeping operations appointed under UN Security Council resolutions. I chose this topic because of the great importance of peacekeeping operations status within UN activities and because of the interest in clarifying the role of their impact on world peace and security. This thesis is composed of five chapters. The first one deals with the role of the United Nations and its position within the international peace and security. The second chapter focuses on the definition of basic terminology that most often occurs in relation to the characteristics of UN peacekeeping operations and distinguishes them from each other. The third chapter defines their types and provides the role of peacekeeping operations by showing the essential characteristics of their development, mandate, and working princi-ples. The fourth chapter presents the issue of formation of the peacekeeping operation start-ing with the process of its establishment, continuing with the law applicable to the opera-tion, ending with its financing. The fifth chapter...

Student Number : 0400454M - MA research report - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / The debate about the legality and legitimacy of third party intervention in the “domestic” affairs of sovereign states has been ongoing. This research focuses on the intervention by Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in the Sierra Leone conflict. The research inquires into the legality and legitimacy of the intervention, against the backdrop of existing international law prohibition on the use of force, and the principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign states. An analysis of the emerging trend of humanitarian intervention and the current emphasis on human security is made in order to determine whether the intervention in Sierra Leone fits into this paradigm. While acknowledging the importance of states in international relations, this study inquires into the shift of security from “state centric” to “people centric”. This study makes a case for sustained efforts in the area of intervention on humanitarian grounds. It further argues that regional organizations should have a pre-emption right to intervene in conflicts that affect their regions of influence. However, the study also recognizes that this concept might be subject to abuse by powerful nations if not well managed. The study therefore recommends the importance of a well articulated framework that will serve as a standard for future interventions.

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod's Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod's theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

The aim of this thesis was to analyze the role of the European Union in maintaining international peace and security. The 1990s proved to be a decade of uncertainty and ambiguity in which both the UN, NATO, the WEU and the EU struggled to re-define themselves in relation to the radically altered security environment of the post-Cold War era. After the collapse of bipolar world, there are favorable conditions for more effective work of the United Nations Security Council as well as for greater role of international organizations to share responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The lack of military instruments to support the policy aims of the Union contributed to pressure for the development of an EU defence dimension. The experience with crisis in Kosovo has led to significant developments since the late 1990s. The EU has acquired unprecedented military capability, a security strategy to inform its use and since 2003 it has engaged in several deployments of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy. Nowadays, the Lisbon treaty seems to be another milestone in the process of framing the EU as a military actor. The thesis is composed of four chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of issue relating to international peace and security. Chapter one is...

Art.39 är grindvakten som inleder kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och tröskeln vid vilken säkerhetsrådet går från att vara ett multilateralt organ till ett globalt verkställande organ. Konceptet ”threat to the peace” är det bredaste, otydligaste och viktigaste begreppet i art.39 FN-stadgan. Genom att framställa de centrala förutsättningarna för tillämpningen av art. 40-42, öppnar art. 39 för de mest kraftfulla insatser som FN kan frambringa. I det fall säkerhetsrådet fastställer förefintligheten av ett hot mot freden ”any threat to the peace”, ”breach of the peace” eller ”act of aggression” är det säkerhetsrådets uppgift att rekommendera eller vidta åtgärder för att upprätthålla eller återställa internationell fred och säkerhet. Art.39 är portalparagrafen som auktoriserar tillämpningen av våld och tvångsmedel enligt kapitel VII i FN-stadgan och således fungerar fastställandet enligt art.39 som en formell förutsättning för utövandet av kapitel VII befogenheter. Följaktligen har art.39 titulerats den enskilt mest betydelsefulla artikeln i FN-stadgan. Betydelsen till trots finns det inte överdrivet mycket material som utreder hur art.39 tolkas och tillämpas. Frågan om vilka situationer som utgör ett hot mot freden lyser med sin frånvaro och är långtifrån glasklar och oproblematisk.

La sécurité humaine est un concept qui a été formellement dégagé du rapport sur le développement humain du PNUD de 1994. Présentée par ce dernier comme une alternative au développement humain, la sécurité humaine a été institutionnalisée davantage comme une réponse aux préoccupations contemporaines en termes de sécurité globale et de bien être des individus, et comme un levier de garantie de la paix internationale.Dans la dynamique de la sécurité humaine, il sera observé une mutation du système normatif international par le renforcement de la place des droits de l’Homme et du droit international humanitaire dans l’ordre juridique. Aussi, la nécessité de la sécurité humaine va entrainer une nouvelle conception de l’objet de la sécurité collective. À cet effet, les Nations unies joueront un rôle déterminant en ce qu’elles vont développer de nouvelles compétences (en termes de garantie de la paix) et de nouvelles activités relatives à la sécurité humaine. Cet élan, d’une part, dynamisera un grand nombre d’acteurs internationaux qui s’investiront en faveur de la sécurité et de la protection des individus et, d’autre part, suscitera l’établissement de nouveaux mécanismes de paix et de sécurité internationales / Human security is a concept that was officially drawn out in the UNDP’s 1994 report on human development. In this report the concept was introduced as an alternative to human development and then became institutionalised as a response to contemporary preoccupations related to security matters. Human security therefore relates to threats to individuals, which are not only different to those that jeopardise State security but relate to the physical security and well-being of individuals.International peace and security factors were subsequently revised from a conceptual perspective, shifting from a State security-based focus to a focus on the global security of individuals.In the dynamics of human security, the international order’s normative system is shifting, especially owing to the growing importance of human rights and international humanitarian law in the legal order. Similarly, ensuring human security will redefine the objectives and activities of collective security. In this respect, the United Nations plays a crucial role. The Organisation will develop new competences in terms of peacekeeping and will carry out new operations for the benefit of human security. This renewed effort will reinforce many international stakeholders who will develop competences and establish organisations to contribute significantly to the security and protection of individuals and larger to the international peace

The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000 person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur). UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international peace and security, the aim of this research was to: • Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union; • Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the African continent; and, based on this, • To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict, an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis. It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

<p>Denna uppsats syftar till att undersöka de normativa utrymmen som det finns i dagens internationella samhälle för förebyggande interventioner. Interventioner definieras som ett medel i en större politisk strategi som sker inom en suverän stats gränser mot dess officiella vilja. Vidare skiljer sig förebyggande interventioner från icke-förebyggande genom dess preventiva karaktär. Utifrån en begreppsanalys studeras olika interventionsformer och argument för interventionspolitikens legitimerande. I den följande normativa analysen diskuteras och ställs olika argument om interventioners legitimerande emot varandra, och det normativa utrymmet för interventioner undersöks. Interventioner, förebyggande interventioner och legitimerandet av desamma är kopplat till begrepp som suveränitet och auktoritet men också till internationella lagar och universella normer samt motiven bakom interventionerna.</p><p>Ett av de stora dilemman som uppstår kring förebyggande interventioner är valet mellan att bryta mot de internationella politiska normerna och skadan av ett passivt förhållningssätt mot mänskligt lidande. I dagens internationella samhälle skulle det kunna finnas ett normativt utrymme för förebyggande interventioner under förutsättning att motiven bakom interventionen värderas högre än argumenten mot den förebyggande interventionen. Avsaknaden av en tydlig suverän auktoritet, allmänt giltiga och accepterade motiv och ett legalt utrymme gör att det är svårt att finna en normativ yta för förebyggande interventioner i det internationella samhället. Trots en ökad positiv retorik från FN rörande förebyggande interventioner, samt att interventioner blivit alltmer accepterade, vilket inte var fallet bara femtio år tillbaka, saknar förebyggande interventioner fortfarande en allmängiltig legitimitet och acceptans.</p> / <p>The objective of this thesis is to study the normative space and scope for pre-emptive interventions in the international society of today. Interventions are defined as part of a broader political strategy aimed at changing the actual course of actions within a specific sovereign country against that country’s official will. Further, are pre-emptive interventions distinguished from non-pre-emptive interventions by the latter’s reactive character. Through a concept analysis are different types of intervention and the arguments for the legitimacy of different intervention policies studied. In the following normative analysis different arguments for the legitimacy of interventions are positioned against each other, and thereby the space and scope for pre-emptive interventions is examined. Interventions, pre-emptive interventions and the legitimacy thereof, are connected to concepts of sovereignty and authority, as well as international law, universal norms and the motives behind the interventions.</p><p>One of the main dilemmas considering pre-emptive interventions is the choice between breaking international political norms, and the damage of doing nothing and passively watching ongoing human suffering. Today’s international society would have a space and scope for pre-emptive interventions provided that the motives behind the intervention are considered more valid than the arguments against the same policy. The lack of an obvious international authority, general valid and acceptable motives, and a legal space for pre-emptive interventions, make it difficult to find legitimate grounds and a normative space and scope for them. In spite of an increasingly positive rhetoric by the UN on pre-emptive interventions, among other examples, pre-emptive interventions remain a general notion of legitimacy and acceptance.</p>

The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000 person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur). UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international peace and security, the aim of this research was to: • Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union; • Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the African continent; and, based on this, • To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict, an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis. It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational inadequacies. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

Le système de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI), dont la mission est d’assurer la justice internationale, repose sur un lien étroit avec le Conseil de sécurité. Il convient donc de s’interroger sur le rôle du Conseil dans le fonctionnement de la justice pénale internationale. Cette question est fondamentale, car l'intervention d'un organe politique dans l’activité d’un organe judiciaire remet en cause les missions de chacune de ces institutions. L’intrusion du Conseil dans l’activité de la CPI, basée sur sa mission de maintien de la paix, est en fait établie au nom d’un ordre international voulu par le Conseil lui-même. Ce rôle affecte le fonctionnement, l’indépendance et même l’impartialité de la Cour. Les pouvoirs que le Statut de Rome confère au Conseil, lui permettent en effet de saisir la CPI, d’imposer aux Etats de coopérer avec la Cour, de suspendre son activité ou encore de qualifier un acte, de crime d’agression. Cependant, les rapports entre le Conseil et la CPI ne devraient pas être subordonnés, mais entretenus dans le respect mutuel, ainsi une véritable crainte existe concernant le respect du Conseil envers le Statut de Rome. L’étude met en évidence le conflit entre justice et politique et révèle les enjeux actuels en termes de justice pénale internationale. / The international criminal Court system (ICC) whose mission is to ensure international justice, is based on a close relationship with the security Council. So it is proper to wonder about the Council’s role in the functioning of international criminal justice. Such a questionning is fundamental, for the intervention of a political body into the functioning of a judicial body calls into question the missions of both institutions. The Council’s interference in the activity of the ICC, based on its mission of maintaining international peace, is actually carried out on behalf of an international order intended by the Council itself. This role affects the functioning, the independence and even the impartiality of the ICC. The powers the Rome Statute gives to the Council allow it to refer to the ICC, to impose for the States to cooperate with the Court, to suspend its activity or also to qualify an act as a crime of aggression. However the relations between the Council and the ICC should not be subordinated, but maintained in mutual respect. Thus there is a real concern regarding the observance of the Rome Statute by the Council. The study highlights the conflict between justice and politics and reveals the current issues in terms of international criminal justice.