Com o objetivo de analisar as demandas por um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC), este trabalho analisa os movimentos que permitiram algumas \"desestruturações\" da \"ordem internacional\" e permitiram a identificação de dois modos de produção no sistema internacional: o interestatal e o cosmopolita. A promoção da autonomia do espaço cosmopolita influiu significativamente na estrutura dos tradicionais fóruns interestatais como é o caso da OMC. Através da análise das estruturas do sistema multilateral de comércio, indica-se aquelas que favoreceram as demandas das instituições não-estatais, com diversas racionalidades e formas de ação perante a OMC, e as influências dessas instituições nas formas de regulamentação dessa organização. Nossa preocupação é identificar no pluralismo de instituições a consolidação de um multilateralismo complexo, resultado de uma transformação na forma de governança da economia e dos movimentos sociais globais. Tais relações promovem a repolitização do sistema multilateral de comércio e apontam para o desafio da inserção da OMC num sistema de governança global. Uma segunda parte do trabalho analisa a recepção de um novo arcabouço sociojurídico na OMC pelo Estado e pela sociedade brasileiros. / The objective of this work is to analyse claims for a new social and legal structure in the World Trade Organization (WTO). For this purpose it investigates the movements which promoted the \"dismantling\" of the \"international order\" and encouraged the recognition of the existence of two different modes of production within the international system: on the one hand a system between states; and a cosmopolitan one on the other hand. The autonomy of the cosmopolitan space has changed the structure of the traditional fora, of which the WTO is part. A critical analysis of the multilateral trade system structures allows us to identify those structures that have allowed the claims of non state institutions to be expressed on the scale they did, albeit with varying levels of rationality and methods. It also shows the influences such institutions exercise on the WTO system of regulation. The aim is to identify how this plurality of institutions endorses a complex multilateralism, which is a result of the changes in the governance of both economic and global social movements. Such developments instigate the re-politization of the multilateral trade system and present a challenge for the inclusion of the WTO in a system of global governance. The second part of the work is focused on the responses of the Brazilian government and society to these new developments in the WTO structure.

Este estudo dedica-se a investigar de que formas a governança ambiental global se tem desenvolvido no mundo globalizado e como se articula o influxo recíproco entre esta e o direito internacional ambiental. Tomando por base o fenômeno da globalização, o status de preocupação comum da humanidade que reveste as questões de proteção internacional ao meio ambiente e, ainda, o conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável, verifica-se de que formas a nova governança ambiental global se distingue da governança tradicional, para, em seguida, refletir sobre as implicações deste processo para o direito internacional ambiental. Dá-se especial relevo à crescente participação de atores não estatais, buscando compreender seu papel e a quebra de paradigma consistente na adoção de formas contratuais, voluntárias, para a consecução dos objetivos da proteção internacional ao meio ambiente. Considerando-se que os instrumentos da nova governança são inclusivos, mas, ao mesmo tempo, multifacetados e, por vezes, caóticos, busca-se conciliá-los com os instrumentos da governança tradicional com vistas a garantir que a flexibilidade das soluções construídas de baixo para cima não seja ameaçada e, ao mesmo tempo, que seja conferida coesão ao sistema, evitando que antinomias ponham em risco a efetividade desejada. Para tanto, propõe-se uma nova arquitetura institucional que compreende duas instituições centrais: uma Organização Mundial do Meio Ambiente (OMMA) e uma Corte Internacional de Meio Ambiente (CIMA), constituídas de forma a consagrar expressamente a principal característica da nova governança ambiental global, a saber, a participação de atores não estatais. / This dissertation aims at investigating how global international governance develops in the globalized world, and how the reciprocal influx between the later and international environmental law is articulated. Taking into consideration the globalization phenomenon, the status of a common concern of humanity that characterizes the issues of international environmental protection as well as the concept of sustainable development, the study analyzes how the new global environmental governance sets itself apart from traditional governance, while reflecting upon the implications of said process for international environmental law. The increasing level of participation of non-state actors is especially considered in an effort to understand its role and the breaking of a paradigm it entails, consisting in the adoption of voluntary, contractual instruments for achieving the goals of international environmental protection. Bearing in mind that the instruments of the new governance are inclusive but at the same time multifaceted and even chaotic, this study tries to reconcile them with traditional governance instruments so that the flexibility of bottom-up solutions is not threatened and that at the same time the system gains cohesion, thus avoiding contradictions that may jeopardize its desirable effectiveness. In order to reach these goals, a new institutional architecture which encompasses two central institutions is proposed: a World Environmental Organization (WEO) and an International Environmental Court (IEC), constituted so as to expressly recognize the main feature of the new global environmental governance, that is, the participation of non-state actors.

Scholars generally assume that states are shamed for their own behavior, but they can also be shamed for the lack of investigation for violence perpetrated by domestic non-state actors. I engage this previously-unstudied phenomenon and develop a theory to explain how states will respond to being shamed for failing to control domestic violence. I examine two types of outcomes: the governments' change in behavior, and the accountability efforts against state agents that have abused human rights. For the government's reaction to being shamed for violence from non-state organizations, I develop a theory to examine changes in coercive state capacity – including military and police personnel – since this reaction may largely exacerbate human rights violations. I hypothesize that states shamed due to abuses by violent non-state organizations (VNSO) will increase military personnel to halt criminal violence and respond to the international spotlight. I then examine the relationship between naming and shaming states over physical integrity abuses by different types of perpetrators and human rights prosecutions. Using newly coded data on the types of perpetrators shamed in the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) country reports, I find that shaming over abuses that include VNSO as perpetrators decreases the likelihood of expanding their police force when the state has the military patrolling the streets and is likely to increase the predicted number of police prosecutions, particularly if the shaming is over killings from VNSOs. Lastly, I examine how changes in coercive capacity affect human rights violations and the number of violent episodes from VNSOs.

"The question of locus standi regarding the non-state complaints procedure before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission) is a very flexibile one. Although the language of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Charter), the enabling powers and functions of the Commission, does not provide for such broad standing, the Commission has over its 20 years of operation, given broad interpretation to the question of standing by adopting the actio popularis doctrine. As a reslut the Commission has entertained communicatons from any person, group of persons or non-governmental organisation (NGOs), whether on their own behalf or on behalf of tothers. The location or nationality of such persons is also not a bar to standing. Consequently, the Commission has accepted communications from national NGOs operating in the country of the state party against whom the complaint is made, NGOs with a regaional focus, international NGOs, and non-African nationals. ... The study has five chapters. Chapter one introduces the study and the justification thereof. Chapter two explores the origin, nature and application of locus standi in domestic legal systems with particluar respect to private protection of public rights and human rights protection using Ghana, Mozambique and South Africa as case studies. Chapter three examines the standing requirements before other regional human rights protection systems namely the ECHR, and the IACHR as well as global human rights protection mechanisms throught the lens of the HRC, the CERD-Committee, the CAT-Committee and the CEDAW-Committee. Chapter four traces and assesses the development of the broad standing requirements before the Commission regarding its non-state communications procedure and the problems associated with them. And Chapter five presents the conclusions and recommendations of the study." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Angelo Matusse at the Faculty of Law, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Maputo, Mozambique / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In the face of climate change, our planet is going through unprecedented changes, making international governance and cooperation on this issue a necessity. Recent studies indicate that the window to act to stay within the 1.5 °C target of the Paris Agreement has narrowed, and that strong and urgent action is needed. Furthermore, there are indicators that Sweden will not reach its national emission reduction goal of net zero emissions by 2045. Many researchers point to the Paris Agreement's increased focus on non-state actors as contributors to climate change governance, and their ability to 'bridge the gap' between current actions and the actions needed to limit global warming. Businesses and the private sector are prominent non-state actors because of their financial and technological power. Hence, this study investigated how Swedish climate change initiatives that gather companies can assist with the transition to net zero emissions by 2045. Utilizing a mixed methods research design, this study has conducted both a survey as well as several in-depth interviews to investigate how climate change initiatives are perceived to affect member companies to reduce their emissions. It also explored the larger impact of climate change initiatives on non-members and society. The findings show that the main influence of climate change initiatives happens through lobbying. Lobbying is both described as one of the main reasons behind companies joining an initiative, as well as where climate change initiatives are perceived to have the largest impact. Furthermore, the study found that participation in initiatives may lead companies to reformulate their internal reduction targets into being more ambitious. It is, however, difficult to determine whether participation leads to actual emission reductions. Finally, climate change initiatives may also lead to impact further down the value chain of a company and facilitate knowledge sharing both internally and externally.

Refugee camps, mostly located in the Global South, host millions of human beings and mirror the overburden and incapacity of humanitarian response. If these places were once supposedly created to aggregate asylum-seekers temporarily, now they have become the norm for prolonged stays where future generations grow.This thesis explores the viability of the UNHCR’s durable solutions for Rohingya Refugees- local integration, resettlement, and repatriation. Moreover, it questions the role of non-state actors when it comes to decision-making in refugee governance. The analysis is conducted through a critical interpretive synthesis. The selected literature was scrutinized and linked to theoretical concepts such as human security, securitization of migration, legal pluralism, and complex interdependence.In summary, the literature analyzed shares a unanimity that, although conditions in the camps are unsustainable for permanent stays, efforts to build better futures for refugees are not being explored enough. This is mainly due to a reluctance of States to accept refugees on behalf of their integrity and security, in the sense that refugees are perceived as threats to their sovereignty. In this sense, potential efforts by non-state actors to provide a sustainable future for refugees fall behind: in a scenario where national security prevails, keeping refugees in the camp seems to be the safest choice.

No description available.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o surgimento do movimento transnacional cigano e suas abordagens políticas na esfera internacional, destacando os dilemas acerca da integração e da autodeterminação. Esta tese examina o surgimento de ideias políticas ciganase como foi moldado o chamado movimento romani. Apesar de ser a mais numerosa minoria europeia, os ciganos não são representados adequadamente no contexto político doméstico dos Estados onde vivem. Diante da situação caracterizada pelamarginalização e exclusão, os ativistas objetivam proteger os ciganos em todo o mundo contra a discriminação e a perseguição por meio da garantia dos seus direitos humanos. Acondição multiterritorial e multicultural dos grupos ciganos coloca um importante desafio aos objetivos dos ativistas. Assim, esta pesquisa também explora as dimensões identitárias e históricas dos ciganos a fim de analisar as tentativas e possibilidades de criar uma comunidade romani transnacional. Por fim, esta tese investigatambém a possibilidade desta comunidade ser formada a partir de uma conexão religiosa, coordenada pelomovimento evangélico ciganoda Europa Ocidental, a fim de compreender sua rápida expansão por meio das redes ciganas e identificar suas abordagens territoriais. / The aim of this work is to examinethe emergence of the Romani transnational movementand its political approaches in the international arena, focusing their dilemmas over integration and self-determination. This research describes how some political ideas emerged from Romani activists and how the so called Romani movement was shaped. Despite being the largest European minority, the Gypsies are not represented adequately in the domestic politicalcontexts of the countries they are living in. In face of marginalization and exclusion, Roma activists aim to protect Gypsies worlwide against discrimination and persecutionby ensuring the exercise of their human rights. The Romani multiterritorial and multicultural condition poses an important challenge to the activists. The research also explores the identity and historical dimensions of the Gypsies in order to analyse the attempts and possibilities to forge a transnational Romani community. Finally, this workexamines the possibility of unification through religion, coordinated bythe Evangelical Romani movementfrom Western Europe as to understand its dramatic expansion through Romani networks,identifyingits territorial approaches.

Almost four decades have passed since the European Court of Human Rights introduced the concept of positive obligations. Positive obligations mean that the member states must take affirmative action in order to secure the rights and freedoms provided for by the European Convention on Human Rights. Since then, the scope of positive obligations has extended tremendously, and today all substantive rights generally contain positive obligations. The reason behind the development is to maintain the full effectiveness of human rights enforcement within the European context, and it has been enabled, inter alia, through dynamic interpretation and because the European Convention on Human Rights is considered a living instrument.  The fact that European companies operating transnationally, i.e. in a non-European context, sometimes through its commercial activities violates human rights has given rise to discussion in legal doctrine on whether the scope of positive obligations should be further extended so that the member states to the European Convention on Human Rights will incur state responsibility for national corporates’ extraterritorial human rights violations. Thus, the purpose of the thesis is to examine whether the European Court of Human Rights can and should proceed with such expansion. An expansion creates methodological and technical problems as it challenges the traditional notion of jurisdiction, however, it is not impossible. Whatever the European Court of Human Rights will decide to do, the thesis will provide arguments both for why home state responsibility for national corporates’ extraterritorial activities that violates human rights can and should be imposed, as well for why it is beyond its (the European Court of Human Rights) competence.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o surgimento do movimento transnacional cigano e suas abordagens políticas na esfera internacional, destacando os dilemas acerca da integração e da autodeterminação. Esta tese examina o surgimento de ideias políticas ciganase como foi moldado o chamado movimento romani. Apesar de ser a mais numerosa minoria europeia, os ciganos não são representados adequadamente no contexto político doméstico dos Estados onde vivem. Diante da situação caracterizada pelamarginalização e exclusão, os ativistas objetivam proteger os ciganos em todo o mundo contra a discriminação e a perseguição por meio da garantia dos seus direitos humanos. Acondição multiterritorial e multicultural dos grupos ciganos coloca um importante desafio aos objetivos dos ativistas. Assim, esta pesquisa também explora as dimensões identitárias e históricas dos ciganos a fim de analisar as tentativas e possibilidades de criar uma comunidade romani transnacional. Por fim, esta tese investigatambém a possibilidade desta comunidade ser formada a partir de uma conexão religiosa, coordenada pelomovimento evangélico ciganoda Europa Ocidental, a fim de compreender sua rápida expansão por meio das redes ciganas e identificar suas abordagens territoriais. / The aim of this work is to examinethe emergence of the Romani transnational movementand its political approaches in the international arena, focusing their dilemmas over integration and self-determination. This research describes how some political ideas emerged from Romani activists and how the so called Romani movement was shaped. Despite being the largest European minority, the Gypsies are not represented adequately in the domestic politicalcontexts of the countries they are living in. In face of marginalization and exclusion, Roma activists aim to protect Gypsies worlwide against discrimination and persecutionby ensuring the exercise of their human rights. The Romani multiterritorial and multicultural condition poses an important challenge to the activists. The research also explores the identity and historical dimensions of the Gypsies in order to analyse the attempts and possibilities to forge a transnational Romani community. Finally, this workexamines the possibility of unification through religion, coordinated bythe Evangelical Romani movementfrom Western Europe as to understand its dramatic expansion through Romani networks,identifyingits territorial approaches.