Abstract The event that the Second People¡¦s Power Revolution (EDSA II) forced President Estrada to resign from his presidency in January, 2001, was the first political violence after 1946, the year of the Independence of the Philippines. EDSA II, however, was neither a social revolution nor a military coup, but the combination of the two. The connotation of the event was actually a wrestle among a group of so-called pursuing democracy elite. The event, although, was probably considered as one of the domestic riots in the Philippines, it still became a controversial one which was specifically related to the issue of ¡§the re-emergence of oligarchy¡¨. The study aimed to find out whether oligarchy re-emerged in the Philippine or not in terms of the context of oligarchy history, the oligarchy style of democracy transition, the source of EDSA II and the argument of EDSA II. The research, firstly, reanalyzed the history of the Philippines in order to trace back oligarchy in the Philippines, and then discussed the phenomena of ¡§church involvement¡¨, ¡§military coup¡¨, ¡§constitutional conflict¡¨ and ¡§people movement¡¨, to show the fragile democracy in post-Marcos era. More than that, this study tried to clarify the myth of EDSA II, in terms of ¡§ the cause and effect of the revolution¡¨, ¡§the argument and examination of the revolution¡¨ and ¡§the myth and discussion of the revolution¡¨. Finally, the issue of ¡§the re-emergence of oligarchy¡¨ was discussed and concluded. To sum up, the oligarchy did appear in the Philippines. With respect to EDSA II, it was by all means a competition game played by elite. Oligarchy, therefore, was still the main stream in this country.

A phenomenal thing is occurring in Indonesia’s young democracy. Politicians who are actually interested in propagating good governance and addressing the needs of their constituents are coming to power across the archipelago in increasing numbers. These fresh faces bring with them a pragmatic style of leadership that balks the trend of poor governance set by their distant, corrupt, and bureaucratic predecessors. Unsurprisingly, they have been lauded as the heroes of the people and the products of a maturing democratic regime. The foreign media, in particular, seem convinced that the people’s power, as expressed through democracy, is the driving force behind the rise of such “new breed” leaders. A closer look at the Central Java gubernatorial elections, however, reveals a more complex picture. Through the use of a critical pluralist framework, this paper aims to shed light on the reality of how power is organized between oligarch and non-oligarch actors in the Indonesian polity. In the process, we also build a systematic framework that can be applied to other cases of “new breed” leaders coming to office, so that in the future, a more comprehensive comparative analyses on the topic can be done.

In recent decades considerable progress has been made in elucidating the assumptions and the dynamics of Muscovite court politics, and further scrutiny is attempted in this enquiry into the ruling oligarchy of 1547-1564. Chapters 1 to 3 are devoted to groundwork. In Chapter 1 an introduction to the ruling oligarchy is provided against the background of Muscovy's contemporary government and population. The goal of territorial aggrandisement pursued by Muscovite rulers from Ivan HI favoured "rationalisation" of the central government and reforms of the army's discipline and technology; moreover, the wars of conquest left untouched no element of the population. Tsar Ivan and his exercise of authority were especially strongly affected: the precedents established by earlier rulers encouraged him to consider Muscovy his private votchina. but such an attitude became increasingly anachronistic as the realms expanded and the tasks of governing it grew too complex for any one man. During the Oprichnina he attempted to resolve this contradiction by ruling autocratically; autocratic rule and those circumstances favouring it by 1564 are the dissertation's main theme. Even before 1564 Ivan IV was the central actor in Muscovite politics, and criteria are advanced whereby advisers close enough to qualify for the ruling oligarchy are identified. The mid-sixteenth century, as a prelude to autocracy, was a critical moment in Muscovite politics; the rich and varied historiography is surveyed in Chapter 2. The sources - their authors, dates, and value as historical evidence - are critically assessed in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 to 7 comprise the heart of the dissertation. In Chapters 4 to 6 an attempt is made to identify members of the ruling oligarchy of 1546-1564; their political behaviour and where feasible, their political attitudes are explored. In Chapter 7 the attitudes individual members maintained towards particular reforms envisaged at mid-century are explored. The dissertation's main conclusions are systematically expounded in Chapter 8, and as appropriate, their broader implications for Russian and European history are brought out.

Este trabalho tem por objetivo a análise do processo histórico que leva ao desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática em Atenas no final do século V a.C. Para isto observa alguns processos concomitantes que confluem no despontar desta consciência democrática. Quais sejam: 1 - O desenvolvimento dos hábitos epigráficos em Atenas, em especial acerca da produção epigráfica e da organização destas inscrições enquanto hábitos arquivísticos. A relação da escrita com a organização da polis também faz parte deste processo. 2 - O desenvolvimento do conceito de democracia e sua relação com o termo demokratia. Esta investigação é feita através da análise tanto da literatura quanto da epigrafia. 3 – O desenrolar de uma disputa política entre oligarcas e seus opositores, associado ao desejo do fim da guerra do Peloponeso que era almejado pela maioria dos atenienses, mas por motivos diversos. Durante este processo há uma disputa pela autoridade das propostas dos grupos concorrentes. Esse critério gira em torno da ancestralidade da constituição ateniense indicada por cada grupo. As argumentações que procuram justificar a ancestralidade de suas propostas levam a um entrelaçamento com os processos acima mencionados. Desta confluência surge o desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática entre os opositores dos oligarcas extremistas, os demotikoi. / This work aims to analyze the historical process that leads to the development of a democratic awareness in Athens at the end of the Fifth century b.C. In order to do that it observes synchronous processes that converge in the rise of such democratic awareness. Those processes being: 1 – The development of the epigraphical habits in Athens, specialy concerning the epigraphical production and its organization, developing in archival practices. The association between writing and the administration of the polis is also a part of this process. 2 – The development of the concept of democracy and its connection with the term demokratia. This investigation is done through the analysis of literature as well as epigraphy. 3 – The meanders of a political dispute between oligarchs and their opposition. This dispute is connected with a general desire to end the Peloponesian War, although each group for its own reasons. During this process there is a challenge of ancestry of the proposed, and purported, ancestral constitution of each group. The debate for the right to call their propositions as “the” ancestral constitution ends up entwining with the processes described above. From this convergence arose the development of a democratic awareness among the opposition of the oligarchs, the demotikoi.

Orientador: Áureo Busetto / Banca: Paulo Alves / Banca: Paulo Henrique Martinez / Resumo: Constitui-se o presente trabalho em uma biografia política de Bento de Abreu Sampaio Vidal (1872-1948), integrante da oligarquia cafeeira paulista durante a Primeira República. Bento de Abreu participou da vida política de Araraquara tendo presidido a Câmara local de 1911 a 1916 e de 1923 a 1930. Grande cafeicultor, ajudou fundar a Sociedade Rural Brasileira em 1919, presidindo-a em várias ocasiões. Nos anos 1920, elegeu-se deputado estadual, ao mesmo tempo em que participava da expansão da fronteira agrícola rumo ao oeste do Estado, incentivando a criação de vários distritos, o mais importante dos quais deu origem à cidade de Marília, em 1929. A Revolução de 1930 não interrompeu sua carreira política e filiado ao Partido Constitucionalista elegeu deputado à Constituinte estadual de 1935. Durante o Estado Novo, ocupou o cargo de Secretário de Agricultura do Estado de São Paulo e após 1945, elegeu-se novamente deputado estadual, pelo Partido Social Democrático, participando da Constituinte Estadual de 1947. / Abstract: The present work constitutes a political biography of Bento de Abreu Sampaio Vidal (1872-1948), a man who integrated the coffee planters' oligarchy of the State of São Paulo (Brazil) during the political period called First Republic (1889-1930). Bento de Abreu took part in the political life of Araraquara (SP), where he was the president of the local town council from 1911 to 1916 and from 1923 to 1930. He was a big coffee planter and helped to establish the Brazilian Rural Society in 1919 and became its president of severeal times. In the 1920s he was elected one of the stately deputies; meanwhile he took part in the extension of the agricultur forntiers leaing west of State and promoting the criation of several villages. The most important of them gave origin to what later would become the city of Marília (SP), in 1929. The Revolution of 1930 did not interrupt his political career and joining the called Partido Constitucionalista he was elected deputy to the Stately Constitution of 1935. During the political period called New State (1937-1945) he was the Agricultur Secretary of the State of São Paulo and after 1945 he was again elected stately deputy, this time joining the called Partido Social Democrático and so he took part of the Stately Constitution of 1947. / Mestre

Este trabalho tem por objetivo a análise do processo histórico que leva ao desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática em Atenas no final do século V a.C. Para isto observa alguns processos concomitantes que confluem no despontar desta consciência democrática. Quais sejam: 1 - O desenvolvimento dos hábitos epigráficos em Atenas, em especial acerca da produção epigráfica e da organização destas inscrições enquanto hábitos arquivísticos. A relação da escrita com a organização da polis também faz parte deste processo. 2 - O desenvolvimento do conceito de democracia e sua relação com o termo demokratia. Esta investigação é feita através da análise tanto da literatura quanto da epigrafia. 3 – O desenrolar de uma disputa política entre oligarcas e seus opositores, associado ao desejo do fim da guerra do Peloponeso que era almejado pela maioria dos atenienses, mas por motivos diversos. Durante este processo há uma disputa pela autoridade das propostas dos grupos concorrentes. Esse critério gira em torno da ancestralidade da constituição ateniense indicada por cada grupo. As argumentações que procuram justificar a ancestralidade de suas propostas levam a um entrelaçamento com os processos acima mencionados. Desta confluência surge o desenvolvimento de uma consciência democrática entre os opositores dos oligarcas extremistas, os demotikoi. / This work aims to analyze the historical process that leads to the development of a democratic awareness in Athens at the end of the Fifth century b.C. In order to do that it observes synchronous processes that converge in the rise of such democratic awareness. Those processes being: 1 – The development of the epigraphical habits in Athens, specialy concerning the epigraphical production and its organization, developing in archival practices. The association between writing and the administration of the polis is also a part of this process. 2 – The development of the concept of democracy and its connection with the term demokratia. This investigation is done through the analysis of literature as well as epigraphy. 3 – The meanders of a political dispute between oligarchs and their opposition. This dispute is connected with a general desire to end the Peloponesian War, although each group for its own reasons. During this process there is a challenge of ancestry of the proposed, and purported, ancestral constitution of each group. The debate for the right to call their propositions as “the” ancestral constitution ends up entwining with the processes described above. From this convergence arose the development of a democratic awareness among the opposition of the oligarchs, the demotikoi.

nÃo hà / CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior / Este trabalho estuda a aÃÃo da imprensa em Fortaleza no perÃodo entre 1896 e 1912, tomando como foco da anÃlise os discursos jornalÃsticos produzidos na conjuntura polÃtica da oligarquia acciolina, a partir dos jornais A Republica, Unitario e Jornal do CearÃ. O trabalho està organizado em duas partes: na Primeira Parte o objeto de anÃlise à o jornal A Republica, em sua condiÃÃo de porta-voz da oligarquia, percebendo sua abordagem acerca do regime republicano e a construÃÃo positiva da imagem do chefe oligÃrquico Antonio Pinto Nogueira Accioly. Na segunda parte, o caminho da pesquisa adota como procedimento a anÃlise daquela conjuntura impressa nos jornais oposicionistas Unitario e Jornal do CearÃ, destacando as opiniÃes contrÃrias à oligarquia, bem como os enfrentamentos e embates no campo das idÃias polÃticas no CearÃ. Em destaque ainda a palavra de combate dos jornais O Rebate, A Cidade e a linguagem especÃfica dos panfletos alimentando as lutas antioligÃrquicas. / This text studies the action of the press in Fortaleza during the Acciolyâs oligarchy, between 1896 and 1912. The work is divided in two parts. The first part analyzes A Republica as the main medium of oligarchy power. Therefore it is fundamental to understand the newspaper approach to recent republican regime and its role in the construction of a positive image of AntÃnio Nogueira Pinto Accioly . The second part examines the newspapers Unitario and Jornal do Cearà and their strategies against Acciolyâs oligarchy, as well as the debates and fights in the political arena. At last it is pointed out the combative positions of O Rebate, A Cidade and the pamphlets which increase the antioligarchy combat with a specific language.

When the Soviet Union fell it marked the end of an era the ones totalitarian communist state collapsed and, in its place, a new state called Russa emerged with a new leader Boris Yeltsin as the great reformer who had a mission of making Russia a country similar to those int the west. This dream was not to last long soon after his arrival the economy crashed, inflation had skyrocketed, and crime and unemployment struck the country. Boris Yeltsin started privatizing vast numbers of previously state-owned industries which helped create a new elitist class in the oligarchs.    The purpose of this essay is to analyze the post-soviet state of Russia and its social and economic elements to determine when an oligarchic structure emerged and how this oligarchy was able to establish a social contract with the Russian people. This will be done with the help of the essays two theories surrounding elitism and conractualism.    The result this essay reached was that there are two significant decisions taken by the Yeltsin administration which led to the creation of an oligarchic state these are the two privatization waves. These privatizations made a few men very powerful and we can see the extent of their power and influence in the presidential election of 1997. Were they managed to get Yeltsin reelected even though his popularity was at its lowest by using their massive influence such as their media empire. When Putin got elected it represented a new era of Russian politics, he promised to end the chaos of the 1990s and reestablish security in Russia and put the oligarchs in line. He was able to do this much because of the rising oil prices and the use of Russian nationalism to his advantage. He was able to restore a social contract with the Russian people in turn for less freedom he would guarantee them security and stability

A few ruling individuals from party organizations overpowered Indonesia's post-authoritarian, representative democracy. The legislative process of the 2017 Election Act was the case study employed to examine this assumption. The underlying thinking was that there was a contest between “wealth power” (oligarchy) and “participation power” (democracy). The power of wealth controls the party and government institutions. Notwithstanding the presence of participation power, there was, however, no balance between wealth power and participation power, because the formal control of politics was in the hands of party oligarchs. The study purpose was to bridge the gap in knowledge by exploring how the party oligarchs maintained the policymaking, reputedly using cartelized strategies, to defend the status quo. By employing the oligarchy and cartelization theories, the central research question of this inquiry focused on how the party oligarchs, allegedly using cartel work-patterns, mastered the policy process in post-Suharto Indonesia. A qualitative case-study was used with in-depth interviews with 15 participants for data collection and the N-Vivo program for data analysis. Qualitative findings indicated that the party oligarchs engineered the legal process in parliament applying cartelized strategies to defend privileges they obtained from collusive interpenetration with the state. The implications for social change include informing members of parliament, other policymakers, and civil society groups of the cruciality of comprehending the modus operandi of oligarchic cartels. Understanding the “oligarchic cartelization” theoretical postulate is a fundamental step for party members to improve their performance in public offices. The results of this study can also be a useful reference for pro-democracy activists to defend the ontological essence of public participation in implementing representative democracy at an appropriate level.

This diploma thesis deals with the process of oligarchization of Bulgaria after 1989. The collapse of the communist regime had created the opportunities for the emergence of a small group of ultra-wealthy citizens who had been to a varying degree involved in the process of policy decision-making therefore one can speak of oligarchy. The aim of the study is to offer a complex insight into the Bulgarian oligarchy in the years 1989-1997 while using the theoretical perspective of an American political scientist Jeffrey Winters. The other objective is to apply the parameters established by Winters for the purpose of the research of this phenomenon to the Bulgarian case in order to further develop his typology of oligarchies. The thesis put Bulgarian oligarchy into the broader context of the structural changes that took place in the country within the examined period. Based upon the analysis of the strategies for wealth defence, the thesis then presents the uniqueness of Bulgarian oligarchy. The central finding of this study is that, within one country, the oligarchs can adopt diverse strategies for wealth defence and thus one cannot speak of oligarchy in singular. The main contribution then lies in the introduction of two new types of oligarchy: aggressive and moderate.