Deye mo-n se mo-n is a proverb in Haiti that roughly translates to "Beyond the mountains, more mountains." This saying holds a deep meaning to the Haitian peoples, who have lived through unrelenting violence and poverty. In its 200 years of independence, Haiti's inhabitants have seldom known a decade without political violence. Like the chain of mountains, political violence in Haiti seems to go on forever with no end in sight. Not only are the devastating effects of violence felt within politics, but also in the economic and social sectors of the country. The collapse of these sectors has created a predatory democracy which fails to provide for the population but rather enriches political elites who fight for the control of power and ignore their civic duties. The result of the political infighting, corruption, and weak governance has left Haiti the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere. A recent conflict which continues to have negative effects in the country is the 1991 military coup d'etat. The source of the coup was the political classes' constant fight for the control of power. The consequences of the coup are the collapse of the sectors previously mentioned. This has led to a country's struggle to reestablish functioning political, economic, and social institutions. Through secondary literary sources, online journals, and biographies, the causes and negative effects of the coup will be explored in hopes of illustrating the overall proximate and underlying causes of political violence in Haiti. This research will eventually lead to the exploration of different institutional reforms which needs to be enforced to break the cycle of violence.

By applying a series of overlapping models it seems possible to account for the crime of 9/11, and its subsequent atrocities, with some degree of certainty. These models, the Propaganda Model, the Pentagon System and Top-Down Democracy, interconnect in ways that enforce the Iron Rule of Oligarchy and its unmitigated mis-use of power. It is, thereby, helpful to consider this complex triad as a Rosetta when decoding the diverse functions of American Foreign Policy and its interaction with the American people. But the synergistic effect of these elements is an imposed Synthetic Hegemony that has powerful historic consequences. In the alternative, its devastating effects on the cultures and peoples of the world are well known.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Victor Federico Alonso.pdf: 3011707 bytes, checksum: 4d9c2916c02faafb97143ccb13c4c376 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-10 / This study aims at improving knowledge of social relations in the Brazilian state of Roraima. On the one hand, an attempt was made to show how a sovereignty has been constructed throughout history on the molds of coronelism and clientelism; and then how these types of patronage have continued until the present and fostered a divided society, one that is filled with land-ownership conflicts, land occupation, violence and prejudice. On the other hand, an analysis was made of the rise and organization of a cohesive indigenous movement called Conselho Indígena de Roraima (Indigenous Council of Roraima), as well as of how the movement came to be a political alternative to the once exclusive power of the oligarchy. A study was carried out about the achievements of the movement, especially on land demarcation, and also about the problems it has faced, especially in getting society in the capital of the state to support it. This analysis used books from anthropologist, sociologists, political scientists, historians, as well as, magazines and newspapers articles, theses, academic journals, travel and analyzed the speeches from Congressmen and the vote of the Supreme Court / O presente estudo tem o intuito de aprimorar o conhecimento das relações sociais dentro do estado de Roraima. De um lado ele tentou mostrar como se formou historicamente uma soberania moldada pelo coronelismo e clientelismo, como essas categorias de dominação permanecem até os dias de hoje e fomentam uma sociedade dividida, marcada pela ocupação de terras, conflito fundiário, violência e preconceito. De outro, fez uma análise sobre a emergência e organização de um movimento indígena coeso chamado Conselho Indígena de Roraima e como este conseguiu se tornar uma alternativa política ao poder antes singular da oligarquia. Foi feito um exame sobre as conquistas desse movimento, principalmente demarcações, assim como dos problemas enfrentados pelo mesmo, sobretudo a dificuldade de conquistar o apoio da sociedade boa-vistense. Essa análise utilizou livros de antropólogos, sociólogos, cientistas políticos, historiadores, filósofos, além de artigos de jornais e revistas, dissertações, teses, revistas acadêmicas, viagens, análise de discursos parlamentares e do voto de ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal para sua elaboração

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Victor Federico Alonso.pdf: 3011707 bytes, checksum: 4d9c2916c02faafb97143ccb13c4c376 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-10 / This study aims at improving knowledge of social relations in the Brazilian state of Roraima. On the one hand, an attempt was made to show how a sovereignty has been constructed throughout history on the molds of coronelism and clientelism; and then how these types of patronage have continued until the present and fostered a divided society, one that is filled with land-ownership conflicts, land occupation, violence and prejudice. On the other hand, an analysis was made of the rise and organization of a cohesive indigenous movement called Conselho Indígena de Roraima (Indigenous Council of Roraima), as well as of how the movement came to be a political alternative to the once exclusive power of the oligarchy. A study was carried out about the achievements of the movement, especially on land demarcation, and also about the problems it has faced, especially in getting society in the capital of the state to support it. This analysis used books from anthropologist, sociologists, political scientists, historians, as well as, magazines and newspapers articles, theses, academic journals, travel and analyzed the speeches from Congressmen and the vote of the Supreme Court / O presente estudo tem o intuito de aprimorar o conhecimento das relações sociais dentro do estado de Roraima. De um lado ele tentou mostrar como se formou historicamente uma soberania moldada pelo coronelismo e clientelismo, como essas categorias de dominação permanecem até os dias de hoje e fomentam uma sociedade dividida, marcada pela ocupação de terras, conflito fundiário, violência e preconceito. De outro, fez uma análise sobre a emergência e organização de um movimento indígena coeso chamado Conselho Indígena de Roraima e como este conseguiu se tornar uma alternativa política ao poder antes singular da oligarquia. Foi feito um exame sobre as conquistas desse movimento, principalmente demarcações, assim como dos problemas enfrentados pelo mesmo, sobretudo a dificuldade de conquistar o apoio da sociedade boa-vistense. Essa análise utilizou livros de antropólogos, sociólogos, cientistas políticos, historiadores, filósofos, além de artigos de jornais e revistas, dissertações, teses, revistas acadêmicas, viagens, análise de discursos parlamentares e do voto de ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal para sua elaboração

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2006-02-22Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:13:45Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 zioli_m_me_assis.pdf: 455891 bytes, checksum: eee757675a37506a94624fbdcde040a8 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Constitui-se o presente trabalho em uma biografia política de Bento de Abreu Sampaio Vidal (1872-1948), integrante da oligarquia cafeeira paulista durante a Primeira República. Bento de Abreu participou da vida política de Araraquara tendo presidido a Câmara local de 1911 a 1916 e de 1923 a 1930. Grande cafeicultor, ajudou fundar a Sociedade Rural Brasileira em 1919, presidindo-a em várias ocasiões. Nos anos 1920, elegeu-se deputado estadual, ao mesmo tempo em que participava da expansão da fronteira agrícola rumo ao oeste do Estado, incentivando a criação de vários distritos, o mais importante dos quais deu origem à cidade de Marília, em 1929. A Revolução de 1930 não interrompeu sua carreira política e filiado ao Partido Constitucionalista elegeu deputado à Constituinte estadual de 1935. Durante o Estado Novo, ocupou o cargo de Secretário de Agricultura do Estado de São Paulo e após 1945, elegeu-se novamente deputado estadual, pelo Partido Social Democrático, participando da Constituinte Estadual de 1947. / The present work constitutes a political biography of Bento de Abreu Sampaio Vidal (1872-1948), a man who integrated the coffee planters' oligarchy of the State of São Paulo (Brazil) during the political period called First Republic (1889-1930). Bento de Abreu took part in the political life of Araraquara (SP), where he was the president of the local town council from 1911 to 1916 and from 1923 to 1930. He was a big coffee planter and helped to establish the Brazilian Rural Society in 1919 and became its president of severeal times. In the 1920s he was elected one of the stately deputies; meanwhile he took part in the extension of the agricultur forntiers leaing west of State and promoting the criation of several villages. The most important of them gave origin to what later would become the city of Marília (SP), in 1929. The Revolution of 1930 did not interrupt his political career and joining the called Partido Constitucionalista he was elected deputy to the Stately Constitution of 1935. During the political period called New State (1937-1945) he was the Agricultur Secretary of the State of São Paulo and after 1945 he was again elected stately deputy, this time joining the called Partido Social Democrático and so he took part of the Stately Constitution of 1947.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:23:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 3840029 bytes, checksum: 14eb1e05f83b180643b1ba1b66afc818 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study intends to approach the constitution of symbolic Power and of current politic of families Brito and Gaudêncio in Cariris Velhos between 1930 and 1960. Considering that the events happened that to beginning of movement of 1930 caused breaking in the administration plan of Brazilian estates, but also expressed of oligarchy politic permanent. The case of Brito and Gaudencio´s families is an example of adaptation of oligarchy after 1930. The divergence between two families favored to formation of identity of São João do Cariri and the Serra Branca. So, beginning to analyze of politic culture oligarchy in home family, understanding the building of history culture of two town. Understanding he history culture was building by area societies local, that apprehend area of concentration of regional history. This way like theory fundament using the idea of politic culture and symbolic power like mechanician to understand as way of power used by two families. The fountain used approach to research in newspaper, reports spoken, officer documents and works of history paraibana. / Esse estudo pretende abordar a constituição do poder simbólico e da atuação política das famílias Brito e Gaudêncio nos Cariris Velhos, entre 1930 e 1960. Consideramos que os eventos ocorridos a partir do Movimento de 1930 provocaram rupturas no plano administrativo do Estado brasileiro, mas também manifestaram permanências da política oligárquica. O caso das famílias Britos e Gaudêncios é um exemplo da readaptação das oligarquias pós-1930. As divergências entre as duas famílias contribuíram para a formação da identidade de São João do Cariri e de Serra Branca. Assim, a partir da análise da cultura política oligárquica no seio familiar, percebemos a construção da cultura histórica das duas cidades. Compreendemos a cultura histórica construída por campos sociais locais, que apreende a área de concentração de História Regional. Desta forma, como fundamentação teórica, utilizamos os conceitos de cultura política e poder simbólico como mecanismo para se entender as formas de poder utilizadas pelas duas famílias. As fontes utilizadas foram construídas em pesquisa em jornais, relatos orais, documentos oficiais e obras da historiografia paraibana.

La Costituzione degli Ateniesi, tramandataci dalla tradizione tra le opere di Senofonte, ha suscitato nel corso del tempo un considerevole interesse tra gli studiosi del mondo greco. All’opera, a partire dal XIX secolo, sono state dedicate analisi di natura filologica, linguistica e storica, e, in tempi più recenti, un elevato numero di commenti. Oggetto della riflessione dell’Autore – dichiaratamente ostile al regime politico in vigore ad Atene – sono i meccanismi costitutivi e funzionali della democrazia. L’opera propone una riflessione economico-politica di notevole rilievo teorico il cui intento, esplicitato fin dall’incipit, è di mostrare come il tipo di politeia scelto ad Atene – in cui è il demos a detenere il κράτος e, per questo, ad ἄμεινον πράττειν –, per quanto disprezzabile, funziona con successo. Il breve pamphlet costituisce per noi, dunque, una testimonianza fondamentale sul concreto funzionamento del sistema politico ateniese, sull’intelaiatura ideologica che lo sosteneva, nonché sulla resistenza teorica elaborata e propugnata dai sostenitori del pensiero antidemocratico. Tuttavia, la piena comprensione di tale fondamentale testimonianza risulta subordinata alla risoluzione delle questioni nodali dell’opera - quali cronologia, paternità, natura, destinazione, e finalità dello scritto – che, lungi dall’aver raggiunto un chiarimento definitivo, sono ancora oggi ampiamente dibattute. Il presente studio, pertanto, si è proposto di indagare, nella produzione letteraria superstite, quelle opere strettamente connesse alla sfera politica che, per pertinenza e rilevanza, mostrassero una certa affinità tematica con il pamphlet, rimandando verisimilmente a soggetti e motivi di riflessione comuni. Tra la vasta produzione letteraria politica del V secolo la presente ricerca si è incentrata in particolare sulla storiografia tucididea, quale testimone imprescindibile della situazione poleica della seconda metà del secolo, e la produzione teatrale, comica e tragica, che, riproducendo dibattiti culturali, attriti sociali e civili contemporanei, traduce in scena il linguaggio della polis. Il metodo analitico impiegato ha tentato di coniugare la ricerca tematica e l’indagine linguistica: la ricognizione di tipo contenutistico è stata affiancata da un’analisi del materiale linguistico, con l’intento di valutare la pregnanza di elementi tematici o tratti linguistici comuni nella loro dimensione comunicativa e sociale. Se, infatti, l’accostamento analogico sulla base della comunanza dei motivi proposti dai diversi testi permette di ricomporre il complesso di circostanze e avvenimenti in cui l’interesse per un dato tema si è sviluppato, le osservazioni linguistiche (e semantiche più in particolare) forniscono informazioni importanti circa il sistema culturale e ideologico delle nostre fonti. Dopo una prima definizione della problematica cronologica e d’attribuzione dell’opera, il presente lavoro, dunque, esamina il linguaggio politico impiegato nell’Athenaion Politeia, tramite un confronto, anche lessicale, con le opere che riflettono maggiormente l’opposta ideologia democratico-periclea, tra cui l’epitafio pericleo riportato da Thuc. II 35-46 e la prima produzione euripidea. Segue un raffronto puntuale tra il testo del pamphlet e i discorsi periclei riportati nei primi due libri dell’opera tucididea. L’indagine su uno dei temi portanti del libello, ovvero la politica imperiale esercitata dal regime democratico e le relazioni con gli alleati è stata effettuata tramite il confronto con le commedie aristofanee degli anni Venti del V secolo, in particolare Cavalieri e Vespe. Puntuali consonanze tematiche sono state riscontrate, inoltre, nella produzione comica frammentaria (di Aristofane, Teleclide, Ermippo, Eupoli), cui è dedicata una specifica sezione del lavoro. Lo studio di contestualizzazione ha dunque permesso di fissare le differenti opere prese in esame, e l’Athenaion Politeia in primis, in una rete di rapporti e condizionamenti, la cui valutazione risulta imprescindibile per una lettura circostanziata della letteratura politica ateniese.

Lysias' speech Against Eratosthenes is the most famous speech of Lysias, Athen's most prolific author of lawcourt speeches. It deals with a murder of Lysias' brother Polemarchus, who was arrested and executed under the rule of so-called "Thirty Tyrants" in 404 B. C. And yet the topics covered are much wider, the speech thereby becoming a portrayal of the darkest times athenian democracy ever witnessed and a valuable document of democratic point of view on the events. The speech is commented from a historical point of view, focusing in the first place on political history and history of law.

This thesis analyzes caciquismo as a temporally and spatially specific type of clientelistic relations in the Restoration Spain (1874 - 1923). First, the analysis primarily focuses on Spanish historiography of caciquismo/clientelism, its development and current situation of research including contemporary reception of the problem. Second, it also deals with the discussion of contemporary manifestations of caciquismo/clientelism in relation to the issues of terminology, corruption and political clientelism in modern Spain. In both cases the researcher sonsiders other important non-Spanish theoretical works. The thesis is based on interdisciplinary approach: besides of a historical perspective, it also brings to the topic view of anthropology, political science and sociology as well. The contribution of this thesis is refuting the concept according to that the contemporary critics (regeneracionists, Generation of '98 and Generation of '14) condemn caciquismo as a wholly negative manifestation of social interaction, which is based on a psychopathological and ethno-geographical perspective destined only to the Spanish nation, the idea, which is attributed to the contemporary critics of the Restoration Spain by the historians of caciquismo. Keywords: Spain - caciquismo - clientelism - patron-client...

This paper focuses on three new Czech media projects founded in 2014: news web Echo24.cz, a monthly Reporter magazin and a video portal DVTV. More specifically, it describes their creation, which took place as a consequence of the changes in the media market in the Czech Republic in the years 2013-2014. These were mainly changes in ownership structure as Andrej Babis acquired the publishing house Mafra and changes brought about by the crisis of the Czech Television channel. This paper maps out the establishment of new media projects and their positioning in an already competitive environment by observing the communication strategy of these projects. On the basis of predefined criteria it analyses the initial launch campaigns, the means used for marketing and the communication with the public during the first year after the projects were launched. This analysis is complemented by interviews with the authors of the projects: Dalibor Balsinek (Echo24.cz), Robert Casensky (Reporter magazin) and Jan Rozkosny (DVTV). On the basis of this analysis a comparison of the projects and their communication strategies is carried out. The obtained results can be useful in further research of the evolution of these media projects.