Esta tese analisa tanto o papel político e simbólico das comemorações de efemérides relacionadas à anexação do Acre ao Brasil, quanto a veracidade das narrativas de eventos históricos divulgadas por ocasião dessas festividades. No Mundo Ocidental, desde a Antiguidade até os nossos dias, se tornou comum a utilização do discurso epopeico em festas cívicas. Dessa forma, o fenômeno comemorativo no Acre foi estudado como parte dessa tradição milenar. A releitura da formação histórica do Acre levou em consideração a inserção dessa região amazônica à cadeia mercantil da economia-mundo capitalista ocorrida na segunda metade do século XIX. As informações sobre o Acre foram obtidas em jornais, documentos e livros encontrados nos acervos da Biblioteca Nacional (RJ), do Museu da Borracha (AC) e do Departamento de Patrimônio Histórico do Acre (DPHAC). Aquelas sobre festas cívicas no Mundo Ocidental foram conseguidas por meio de consulta bibliográfica no acervo da Biblioteca Florestan Fernandes (FFLCH/USP). A pesquisa teve caráter exploratório com predominância do método qualitativo. Uma das conclusões parciais a que se chegou foi que as festas cívicas no Acre desempenharam o mesmo papel político que há anos elas cumprem no Mundo Ocidental, qual seja, o de forjar identidades, provocar ufanismo, promover coesão social, disseminar valores e tradições, legitimar o tempo presente, validar uma dada versão do passado, dentre outros. Quanto à narrativa epopeica da história do Acre apresentada pelos promotores das comemorações cívicas, o conceito a que se chegou dela, conforme as propostas analíticas da história anticomemorativa formuladas por alguns historiadores contemporâneos como Pierre Nora, é que ela é desonesta, irresponsável e abusiva. Isso porque reproduz uma representação do passado que não condiz em todo ou em parte com a realidade dos fatos históricos a que se refere e porque sempre esteve comprometida com as causas e os interesses do status quo acriano / The present dissertation analyses the political and symbolical role of civic commemorations and celebration dates related to the annexation of Acre to Brazil as well as the historical truth of the celebrated events. The mobilization of epic narratives in civic celebrations is very common in the Western World, from the antiquity to the present. In this way, the civic commemorations in Acre were studied as part of that millenary tradition. The re-reading of Acres historical formation was pursued from the perspective of Acres situation in the Amazonia region and its insertion within the capitalist world economy. Information about Acre were found in newspapers, documents and books located at the collections of the National Library (Biblioteca Nacional - RJ), Rubber Museum (Museu da Borracha - AC), e Department of Historical Heritage of Acre (Departamento de Patrimônio Histórico do Acre DPHAC). The Florestan Fernandes Library (FFLCH/USP) offered bibliographical resources to support the theoretical approach of this dissertation .This research exemplify an emphasis on the qualitative method. A partial conclusion lead by this work is that civic celebrations in Acre had fulfilled the same political role as it does in the Western World forging identities and social cohesion, promoting chauvinism, spreading values and traditions to validate the present. Following an anti-commemoration historiographical contemporary tendency, this dissertation also concludes that the epic narrative presented by the supporters of the civic commemorations can be considered dishonest, abusive and irresponsible. That is because it reproduces a representation of the past not according the reality of the historical facts, and because it has always been committed with the persistence of Acrean status quo

Na década de 1950, vieram à público duas pequenas obras de um autor até então desconhecido. Em 1953, publicava-se o livro de contos Llano en llamas e, dois anos depois, o romance Pedro Páramo. Bastaria essa diminuta produção literária para consagrar aquele que viria a ser tomado como referência para toda uma geração de escritores latino-americanos. Juan Rulfo seria considerado na cena literária do continente da década seguinte, ainda que com ressalvas, como o grande precursor da geração do chamado boom. Questionando essa suposta paternidade e partindo da análise dessas obras literárias ficcionais, cotejadas com outros clássicos da literatura mexicana que trataram da Revolução Mexicana, pretendeu-se articular a relação entre história e ficção. A abordagem conferida por Rulfo às especificidades de sua historicidade desvelam, ao leitor atento, a história, não aludida diretamente, mas entrevista tanto na estética escolhida pelo autor, como pelos conteúdos narrativos de suas narrações. / In the 1950\'s, two little works by an unknown author till then came to light. In 1953, was published the short story book Llano en llamas and, two years later, the novel Pedro Páramo. It would be enough this small literary production to acclaim that writer, which would become a reference for an entire generation of Latin-American writers. Juan Rulfo was going to be considered in the coming decade literary scene, even though with some reservations, as the great predecessor of the so-called boom generation. Raising questions about this alleged fatherhood and relying on the analysis of these fictional literary works, compared to other Mexican literary classics concerning Mexican Revolution, one intended to articulate the relation between History and fiction. The approach conferred by Rulfo to the specificities belonging to his historicity unveils, to the sharp reader, History itself, not directly alluded, but foreseen as much as by the aesthetic chosen by the author as by the narrative contents of his narrations.

A tese tem como objeto de estudo o que se convencionou denominar teoria da transição. Trata-se, grosso modo, do conjunto de análises teóricas inseridas na tradição do marxismo e que buscam compreender os principais aspectos de uma eventual passagem do capitalismo ao socialismo. O trabalho inicia-se com o estudo dos sentidos conceituais da forma jurídica tal como apresentados por Karl Marx em O capital. Com o auxílio das importantes análises de Evgeny Pachukanis, o direito é apresentado como a forma específica das relações sociais por meio das quais se dá a troca de mercadorias equivalentes. Uma vez que a adequada compreensão da forma jurídica depende da apreensão categorial da forma do Estado, pesquisa-se esta última com fundamento naquilo que se denominou de exposição implícita do conceito de Estado presente na obra de maturidade de Marx. A forma estatal não se resume, pois, a mero aparelho ou simples instrumento de dominação de classes. O Estado, tal como o direito e o capital, é apresentado como relação social estrutural essencialmente conservadora das relações de produção, distribuição e circulação capitalistas. Ultrapassadas essas questões fundamentais, trata-se de pesquisar as formas concretas de transição, tais como a relação entre democracia e ditadura do proletariado, a crítica e defesa dos direitos humanos, os sentidos atuais de uma revolução socialista, o caráter central da classe trabalhadora e suas manifestações particulares como reivindicações de gênero, cor e defesa do meio ambiente, além da análise da extinção do direito e do fenecimento do Estado à luz da apresentação parcial do socialismo elaborada por Marx em sua Crítica do programa de Gotha. Conclui-se assinalando o importante papel estratégico que cumprem as lutas jurídicas e políticas quotidianas, vulgarmente denominadas reformistas, para a criação de um ambiente estrutural propício à reivindicação de modificações substanciais que têm por objetivo a conquista de uma sociedade mais justa, solidária e orientada por princípios socialistas. / The subject of the present thesis relies on what has been nominated as theory of transition. Roughly, this theory verses about a set of theoretical analysis inserted on Marxism tradition and which seeks to understand the main aspects of an eventual transition from capitalism to socialism. This work starts with the study of the conceptual senses of the legal form as was presented on Karl Marxs Capital. Assisted with the important analysis of Evgeny Pachukanis, law is presented here as a specific form of social relation trough which the exchange of goods occurs. Once that the correct comprehension of the legal form depends on the categorical understanding of the State form, this second form is studied based in what was denominated as the implicit exposure of the concept of state, present in Marxs mature work. Though, the State form is not limited as a mere apparatus or a simple instrument of class domination. The State, as law and capital, is presented as a structural social relation, essentially as a preserver of the production, distribution and circulation on capitalism. Once overcome these fundamental issues, the focus becomes searching concrete forms of transition, as the relation between democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat, the criticism and defense of human rights, the current directions of a socialist revolution, as the centrality of the working class and its demands on gender, ethnical issues and environmental protection. Besides, this work presents the analysis of the extinction of law and the withering of the State, under the partial presentation of socialism elaborated by Marx on its Critique of the Gotha Program. The thesis is concluded pointing the important strategic role that legal struggles and the daily life state policies, vulgarly referred as reformist policies, complies to the creation of an environment propitious to claim for substantial changes that aims the achievement of a more just, compassionate and oriented by socialist principles society.

No description available.

Attachée au Saint-Empire romain germanique au cours du dixième siècle, l’Alsace en demeura partie intégrante jusqu’en 1648, date à laquelle, au terme de la guerre de Trente Ans, elle fut cédée à la France par les traités de Westphalie. Mise en possession d’une province étrangère, cédée contre son gré, la monarchie française dut trouver les moyens d’intégrer l’Alsace au nouvel ensemble national. Après avoir, difficilement, réussi à affirmer sa souveraineté sur la province, la monarchie mit en place une politique d’intégration, progressive et respectueuse des privilèges régionaux. À partir de la Révolution française, l’assimilation de l’Alsace au reste de la France s’accéléra au point qu’à l’issue de la guerre 1870, c’est une province entièrement intégrée à la France qui revint à l’Allemagne. Dans le cadre de notre thèse, nous nous proposons donc d’étudier les politiques menées par la France en Alsace en vue de son intégration, en s’intéressant tout particulièrement aux institutions qui furent créées et à la façon dont les différentes législations, touchant notamment à l’administration, la justice, l’économie, la religion, la langue ou encore l’enseignement, furent imposées et appliquées à cet effet. / From the tenth century to the year 1648, Alsace remained a part of the Holy Roman Empire, until it cession to France according to the terms of the Peace of Westphalia, following the Thirty Years’ War. Having received a foreign and unwilling province, the Kingdom of France had to find ways to incorporate Alsace into its emerging national community. After having asserted with difficulty it sovereignty over the territory, the monarchy established a progressive integration policy, respectful of regional privileges. From the French Revolution onward, Alsace’s assimilation was greatly accelerated, to such an extent that it had become fully integrated to France until being conceded to the German Empire at the end of th Franco-Prussian War. This thesis reviews the various policies conducted by France toward Alsace’s integration during its rule. It examines particularly the role of specifically created public institutions, and the laws affecting administration, justice, economy, education, religion and language which were enacted and enforced to that end.

En se concentrant sur une période courte et libératrice de l’histoire du Portugal contemporain, ce travail vise à établir ce que la révolution, pensée comme processus, événement et rupture, a provoqué dans la production cinématographique. L’aire chronologique correspond donc aux années de la Révolution portugaise de 1974-1975 puis ses soubresauts jusqu’en 1982.Pour saisir ce moment complexe et singulier, l’observation des liens entre cinéma et politique est proposée à travers les rapports de force existants entre le régime, les institutions et le monde du cinéma. L’existence d’un cinéma révolutionnaire, qui accompagne un processus de changement social et politique radical et se révolutionne lui-même, se perçoit à travers des conflits et des enjeux de pouvoir. De la remise en question du modèle de production – l’avènement d’un modèle coopérativiste – à la volonté de diffuser autrement les films, en passant par les problématiques soulevées par la politisation des pratiques artistiques, les cinéastes n’ont alors eu de cesse de pouvoir mettre en crise les modalités de création. L’analyse de plusieurs films particulièrement significatifs montre que la rencontre entre la révolution et le cinéma offre des potentialités créatives nombreuses : des saillies pamphlétaires manifestent les nécessités du processus, les usages du cinéma-direct semblent faire corps avec l’événement, et l’idée de film-révolution au cœur de Bon peuple portugais (Bom Povo Português, 1981) de Rui Simões incarne, au cinéma, la rupture ouverte par le fait politique.Ce travail est animé par une double ambition. D’abord, grâce aux témoignages des cinéastes et producteurs de l’époque, il s’agit de proposer de nouveaux éclairages sur un pan encore méconnu et sous-évalué de l’histoire du cinéma portugais. Ensuite, à la faveur de l’étude des rencontres pratiques et formelles entre un processus historique et l’esthétique, les voies explorées dans la thèse voudraient contribuer à enrichir une histoire du cinéma engagé. / Focusing on a short and liberating time of recent Portugal history, this work aims to establish that the idea of revolution, understood as a process, but also as an event and a rupture, has provoked a specific film production. The chronological area thus corresponds to the years of the Portuguese Revolution of 1974-1975 and its upheavals until 1982.To grasp this singular moment in all its complexity, the observation of the links between cinema and politics is proposed through the balance of power existing between the regime, the institutions and the cinema world. The existence of a revolutionary cinema able to follow the radical changes in society can be seen through conflicts and power issues. Then, filmmakers would question the possibilities of creation in that context: experiences of collective production, alternative distribution, and new practices of militant cinema are all examples of different modalities of creation.The study of various films, and the confrontation between revolution and cinema, show an offer of many creative potentialities: from anticapitalist movies which follow the process to the uses of Direct cinema embodying the event, and finally, the arising of Good Portuguese People (Bom Povo Português, 1981) by Rui Simões, mark an aesthetical rupture in response to the political change.This dissertation has a dual ambition. First, it is important to propose new enlightments on this yet unknown and underevaluated part of Portuguese cinema, with the help of testimonies from filmmakers and producers of that period. Then, observing practical and visual exchanges between the historical process and aesthetics, the paths explored here would contribute to enriching a history of engaged cinema.

This dissertation is concerned with a fundamental problem at the heart of Arendt’s The Human Condition—namely, ‘the problem of idleness’. This problem is related to the three types of human Arendt identifies as correlated to dominant activities in one’s life, animal laborans, homo faber, and the acting person. It explores Arendt’s predictions of an oncoming automation crisis, and the possibility of a corresponding crisis in the production—consumption cycle. The problem of idleness can be understood as the claim that if people are provided freedom from job-holding so that they may pursue other activities, they would likely turn to consumption to occupy their time. I claim that this problem of idleness is important in any consideration of an oncoming automation crisis, especially in relation to Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a solution to such a crisis. I claim that there is a hole in the UBI literature concerning this problem of idleness, and if left unaddressed it would result in both an ineffective UBI, and in a crisis of meaning for the general populace. This dissertation demonstrates what the problem of idleness is, why it is important, and what possible solutions exist. This contributes to the UBI literature by diagnosing and attempting to solve a gap in the literature which I argue would cause practical challenges in the implementation and stability of a UBI system. I also contribute to the Arendtian literature by problematizing traditional readings of Arendt, and offering a reappraisal of her thought on Marx, art, and the social.

Em meados do século XIX, o Império do Brasil buscou acompanhar avanços tecnológicos na construção e operação de navios de guerra, trazidos pela propulsão a vapor e pelos avanços na artilharia, que em breve culminaram no desenvolvimento do encouraçado na Europa e de seu primeiro emprego operacional, na Guerra Civil dos Estados Unidos (1861-1865). Combinadas essas necessidades militares e tecnológicas com uma política mais ativa do Império nas questões dos estados platinos, ao início da Guerra da Tríplice Aliança (1864-1870) deu-se um primeiro surto de construção naval militar, para atender às demandas de guerra, que incluíam a construção de encouraçados para operações fluviais, empregando os meios tecnológicos e conhecimentos acumulados desde as iniciativas da década anterior. Cerca de dez anos após o final da guerra, iniciou-se outro surto de construção naval militar, embora sem uma urgência bélica estabelecida, e sim uma perceptível defasagem tecnológica em relação aos navios que se construíam em países de industrialização avançada. Os últimos navios construídos desse segundo surto foram incorporados após a Proclamação da República (1889). O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender as razões que desencadearam esses dois surtos de construção naval militar e que os levaram ao fim, analisando a questão sob o ponto de vista de três fatores interligados: as relações internacionais, as necessidades militares e as necessidades de absorver tecnologia / In the mid-nineteenth century, the Empire of Brazil sought to follow technological advancements in the construction and operation of warships, brought about by steam propulsion and advances in artillery, which soon culminated in the development of the ironclads in Europe and its first operational deployment in the U.S. Civil War (1861-1865). These military and technological needs were combined with a more active policy of the Empire in affairs with the states of the River Plate Basin, and, with the beginning of the War of the Triple Alliance (1864-1870), began a first outbreak of military shipbuilding to meet the war demands, which included the construction of ironclads for riverine operations, employing the technology and knowledge accumulated since the initiatives of the previous decade. About ten years after the end of the war, another outbreak of military shipbuilding began, though without a war urgency established, but a noticeable technological gap in relation to warships built in advanced industrialized countries. The last ships built in this second outbreak wee commissioned after the Proclamation of the Republic (1889). The objective of this work is to understand the reasons that led these two outbreaks of military shipbuilding and finished both, analyzing this problem from the point of view of three interrelated factors: international relations, military needs and the needs of absorbing technology

A presente Tese apresenta uma reflexão acerca do papel do intelectual de Angola e da Guiné-Bissau diante da retomada da memória coletiva dos seus países. Ao discutir marcas do passado literário e cultural de seus países, procura definir perspectivas de afirmação histórica e política, através de atitudes individuais e dos movimentos culturais que impulsionaram a revolução da independência. Tornou-se necessária, nessa perspectiva, uma abordagem multidisciplinar, para caraterizar a figura do intelectual como construção literária do imaginário que, simultaneamente, constrói no fluxo da fruição textual, o caudal histórico da vitoriosa conquista revolucionária, tal como essa imagem aparece em dois escritores paradigmáticos das literaturas angolana e guineense: Pepetela e Filinto de Barros. Pepetela e Filinto de Barros, onde se associam o ficcionista e o cidadão, favorecem a discussão do papel do intelectual em seus países e das estratégias do discurso artístico de que se valeram, tendo como matéria histórica a luta de libertação nacional de seus países e as vicissitudes do período pós-independência. Nesse sentido, são problematizadas na tese o sentido da práxis literária desses escritores, diante desses dois momentos históricos, como também a relação que esta práxis estabelece com as sociedades africanas atuais, sempre pondo em relevo os jogos de representações do intelectual. / The present thesis introduces a reflection around the intellectual role of Angola and Guinea-Bissau before the collective memory recovery of these countries. When discussing marks from the literary and cultural past of these countries, it tries to define perspectives of historical and political affirmation, through individual attitudes and cultural movements that pushed the independence revolution. It has became necessary, under this perspective, a multi disciplinary approach in order to characterize the figure of the intellect as literary construction of the imaginary that, simultaneously, builds in the flow of the textual fruition the historic caudal of the victorious revolutionary achievement. As well as this image is present in two paradigmatic writers of the Angolan and Guinean literature: Pepetela and Filinto de Barros, where we find associated the fictionist and the citizen, they favor the discussion of the intellects role in their countries and of the artistic discourse strategies they took advantage from, having as historic subject the fight for national emancipation of their countries and the ups and downs of the after independence period. Therefore, in the thesis it is problematized the literary praxis sense of these writers, before these two historical moments, as well as the relation that this praxis establishes with the todays African societies, always emphasizing the intellects representation games.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-06-15T12:33:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Augusto Vieira Graglia.pdf: 15497008 bytes, checksum: f1fda85b7db5f6d79503250da9c5f3b3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-15T12:33:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Augusto Vieira Graglia.pdf: 15497008 bytes, checksum: f1fda85b7db5f6d79503250da9c5f3b3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-22 / Fundação São Paulo - FUNDASP / This study analyzes the relationships between new technologies and disruptive innovations that stimulate the new wave of economic transformation and affect society as a whole. The goal is to investigate the mechanisms by which the jobs can be destroyed and understand the potential impacts on work, employment, and people / Este estudo analisa as relações entre novas tecnologias e inovações disruptivas que estimulam a nova onda de transformação econômica e afetam a sociedade como um todo. O objetivo é investigar os mecanismos pelos quais os empregos podem ser destruídos e compreender os impactos potenciais no trabalho, no emprego e nas pessoas