In the years since Mao Zedongs death, the people of China have been impelled to reevaluate the legacy and character of their still iconic leader. One of the more notable trends in this process of posthumous reevaluation is the tendency of some individuals and groups (most often, the rural peasantry) to interpret the deceased Chairman along theological lines, assuming that his still efficacious spirit will provide protection and good fortune to those who honour him.<p>In exploring the genesis (and continued salience) of these beliefs and practices, the present research delves into popular Chinese religiosity, exploring the porosity of the traditional cosmology, the centrality of perceived spiritual efficacy (ling) in determining the popularity of religious cults, and the theological and cosmological resonances extant within traditional understandings of political leadership. The body of metaphors, narratives, and tropes drawn from this historical overview are then applied to popular characterizations of Mao, with the resulting correspondences helping to explicate the salience of these modern religious interpretations. To further investigate the source of Maos persistent symbolic capital, the present research also explores the role of Cultural Revolution-era ritual in valorizing and reifying the power and efficacy then popularly ascribed to the Great Helmsmans person and teachings. This studys conclusion, in brief, is that participants in the posthumous cult of Mao are utilizing these cultural materials in both traditional and creative ways, and that such interpretations speak to the exigencies of life in the turbulent, ideologically ambiguous culture of modern China. <p>In performing this evaluation, the present research makes use of the standard phenomenological/historiographic approach of religious studies scholarship, though it is also informed by narrative methods, cognitive science, and current perspectives on the role and function of ritual. In particular, the analysis of Mao-era rituals (as a source of Maos continued symbolic potency) is performed using the cognivistic typology of ritual proposed by E. Thomas Lawson and Robert N. McCauley, with additional materials drawn from the research of Catherine Bell, Roy Rappaport, Pascal Boyer and Adam Chau.

Die Studie untersucht am Beispiel der sächsischen Residenz- und Garnisonsstadt Dresden die mit Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges einsetzende Einbindung der freien Fürsorge in die sich zunehmend professionalisierende und bürokratisierende öffentliche Wohlfahrtspflege und stellt damit gleichsam die Bedeutung der &amp;quot;Sozialstadt&amp;quot; als Vorläuferin des späteren &amp;quot;Sozialstaates&amp;quot; heraus. Die sozialpolitische Katalysatorwirkung des Krieges wird anhand der einzelnen Fürsorgemaßnahmen ausführlich analysiert. Im Vordergrund steht dabei die Rolle der Sozialdemokratie als tragende Kraft des fürsorgepolitischen Konsenses in Dresden.

俄國內戰包含了許多面向，其過程不是官方紀錄所登載的表象，蘇維埃政權的因應之道是依循既定步驟計畫，抑或是只是蘇維埃政權順應時勢且戰且走的結果，對日後蘇維埃國家的產生有何種催化作用是本文的研究動機。本文的中心旨在探究俄國革命初成在奪權成功後，內戰對蘇維埃政權鞏固的挑戰，戰爭期間俄國社會經歷的變遷，以及因應戰爭的進行蘇維埃政權的回應之道。 / Unlike the single-dimensioned description by the Soviet government, the Russian civil war includes many dimensions.What is the response of the Soviet government to the civil war and how it enables the creation of the Soviet Union is the motive of the dissertation.The main purpose of the dissertation focuses on how the soviet regime faces the challenges of power consolidation, the social changes during the war and the response of the soviet government after the Bolshevik party seizes the power.

Univ., Diss. u.d.T. Jung, Christian: Aus meinem Leben - Dichtung und Wahrheit--Heidelberg, 2006.

在擴大對「蘇聯文化」研究的基礎上，本論文探討蘇聯的文化政治與政策施作，其終極目標乃透過命名的權力來建構文化的社會主體性，也即「蘇維埃人」這樣的歷史共同體。為求例證之多樣性，本論文綜合了文化研究與歷史研究途徑，以文本分析和文獻分析作為研究方法，並將指涉的文化政策範圍縮限於文學與藝術領域，以及對文化公共財，如圖書館、博物館、劇院的擴充。 對布爾什維克而言，爭取文化霸權就是建構並傳播蘇維埃意識形態，透過意識形態國家機器，即藝文團體、報刊媒體等來體現，繼而將個人建構為主體，製造出一批批本應如此的「形象」。因此，蘇維埃意識形態始終驅動著蘇聯文化政策的開展。配合主政之領導人，國家對政策的指導可簡化為「文化革命─社會主義寫實主義─公開性」的歷程，並對應由逐漸緊縮到開放的程度。其中，由列寧發起的文化革命可謂蘇聯文化政策的承先啟後階段，尚且容許藝文團體的多元發展。進入史達林時期後，所推出的社會主義寫實主義既是一種創作風格，也是政策的依歸。從寫作到編曲，從繪畫到電影，它為蘇聯的文藝創作設置理論與框架，並成為作品能否公開展演及獲得國家獎勵的唯一標準。至於戈巴契夫的公開性則帶來蘇維埃意識形態更為人性化的修正與文化政策的轉折。 另一方面，本論文透過觀照經蘇維埃化所產生之新蘇維埃人的日常生活片斷，概括蘇維埃文化的若干特徵，點出其指導大眾邁向由官方營造之理想人生的規訓功能，繼而探究蘇聯社會中不同身分的互動，析論政策造成的後續影響。藉由對精英、婦女與青年等文化研究關鍵面向的討論，可以發現蘇聯文化政策的差別待遇模式，以及未將文化納入政策考量的若干失誤。

This dissertation examines U.S.-Cuban cultural exchange around the Cuban revolutions of 1933 and 1959. It argues that the historical period from 1930-1970 represents a critical juncture in global politics, when fascination and dismay for Cuban revolutionary struggles spawned new ideas about art, aesthetics, governance, and jurisprudence as part of new state functions and cosmopolitan publics. Drawing from U.S. and Cuban sources, this project documents the ways in which cultural producers from across the political spectrum used the language of revolution to craft claims about race, class, gender, empire, and nationhood. It explains the fractured relationship following the 1959 revolution by beginning in the 1930s, when narratives of U.S.-led Pan-Americanism splintered and frayed within the broader project of neocolonialism. Cultural expressions--from folksongs and poems to presidential speeches and tourist literature--demonstrate multiple ideological positions and aesthetic forms that reveal a tension between Pan-American camaraderie on the one hand and neocolonial violence on the other. I use poetry, journalism, plays, federal policy, music, and radical literature to illustrate ideas about Cuba that spanned the ideological gamut--from socialist utopia to the tragedy of dictatorship--and their location in the generational transition from the Good Neighbor policy to Cold War containment. In the United States, these two political moments were anchored between the New Deal coalition and rise of the Old Left on the one hand, and the dawning of Kennedy/Johnson liberal internationalism and the New Left on the other. At the same time in Cuba the revolutionary culture industries restructured nationalist narratives and political ambitions based on anti-Yankee opposition, which ultimately ushered in a new Cuban state that self-fashioned itself as a leader of the Third World. I present a case study that reveals how political and cultural vectors operate in multiple directions, creating the overarching conditions that enable "minor" states to exert gravitational pull on superpowers in the production of new local tastes and sensibilities from Harlem to Havana. / text

The Enlightenment did not end with the French Revolution but extended into the nineteenth century, effecting a transformation to modernity. By 1850, science became increasingly institutionalized and technology hastened transmission of cultural exchange. Restricting Enlightenment to solitary movements, philosophic text, or national contexts ultimately creates insular interpretations. The Enlightenment was instead a transnational phenomenon, of interconnected communities, from diverse geographical and cultural spaces. A revealing example is the Delessert family. Their British-Franco-Swiss network demonstrates the uniqueness, extent, and duration of the Enlightenment. This network’s origins lie in the 1680s. French and British desires for stability resulted in contrasting policies. Toleration, through partial rights, let British Dissenters become leading educators, manufacturers, and natural philosophers by 1760. Conversely, Huguenots were stripped of rights. Thousands fled persecution, and France’s rivals profited by welcoming waves of industrious Huguenots. French refugee communities became vital printing centres, specializing in Enlightenment attacks on the Ancien régime, and facilitated the expansion of the Delessert network. The Delessert banking family made a generational progression from Geneva to Lyon to Paris, linking them to Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His friendship fostered passions for botany and education. The Delesserts parlayed this into participation in Enlightenment science and industry, connecting them to the Lunar Society, Genevan radicals, and British reformers. By 1780, a transition toward modernity began. Grand Tours shifted from places of erudition to practical sites of production. Lunar men sent sons to the Continent for practical education, as Franco-Swiss visited English manufactories and Scottish universities to expand knowledge. Moderates greeted the French Revolution with enthusiasm. In the early 1790s this changed significantly. Royalist mobs threatened Lunar men, destroying property, in Birmingham. In France, moderates tried to defend the monarchy from republican mobs. Even so, the network, fragmented both by revolution and war, continued espousing reform and assisting members who were jailed, endangered, or escaping to America. The Delessert network reconnected in 1801. Franco-Swiss toured Britain as Britons visited Paris, gathering at the hôtel Delessert, a crossroads of the Enlightenment. New societies encouraged science, industry, and philanthropy. Enlightenment exchange continued, despite warfare, into the nineteenth century. Industrial partnerships and scientific collaborations, formed during the peace, circumvented trade barriers. Over three generations (1760-1850) cosmopolitanism helped usher in a transition to modernity. Ultimately, the Delessert network’s endurance challenges traditional interpretations of the Enlightenment, and the Industrial Revolution.

No description available.

Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.

Cet ouvrage porte sur la réaction du clergé canadien face à l’invasion américaine de 1775-1776. Alors que l’historiographie considère généralement que les prêtres de la colonie restèrent fidèles au gouvernement britannique à cette occasion, trois curés se détachèrent au contraire de cette image de loyalisme : Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716-1782) ainsi que Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Soupçonnés par les autorités ecclésiastiques et coloniales d’entrenir des sympathies pour les révolutionnaires américains, ces hommes furent frappés par diverses sanctions, affectant durablement le déroulement de leur carrière. / This dissertation examines the reaction of Canadian clergy to the American invasion of 1775-1776. While historians have generally considered that the priests of the colony remained loyal to the British Government on this occasion, three priests stand in contrast to this image of loyalty: Eustache Chartier de Lotbinière (1716-1785), Pierre-René Floquet (1716 -1782), Joseph Huguet (1725-1783) and Pierre Huet de La Valinière (1732-1806). Suspected by church and colonial authorities to have shown sympathy to the American revolutionaries, these men were struck by various sanctions that permanently affected the development of their careers.