Thesis--Bonn. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. [88]-94).

Στην παρούσα διδακτορική διατριβή μελετάμε τρία Προβλήματα που αναφέρονται στην Ψευδο-Ευκλείδεια Γεωμετρία. Στα δύο πρώτα Κεφάλαια, Κεφάλαιο 1 και Κεφάλαιο 2 αναφέρουμε γνωστά αποτελέσματα και περιγράφουμε βασικές έννοιες της Ρημάννιας και Ψευδό - Ρημάννιας Γεωμετρίας. Στο Κεφάλαιο 3 μελετάμε επιφάνειες εκ περιστροφής στον τρισδιάστατο Lorentz - Minkowski χώρο ικανοποιώντας δοσμένη γεωμετρική συνθήκη. Στο Κεφάλαιο 4 βρίσκουμε όλες τις κανονικές μορφές του τελεστή σχήματος των τρισδιάστατων υπερεπιφανειών τύπου (-, +, -) του τετρασδιάστατου Ψευδο - Ευκλείδειου χώρου τύπου (-, +, -, +). Τέλος, στο Κεφάλαιο 5 μελετάμε τη σχέση που υπάρχει μεταξύ των διαρμονικών και ελαχιστικών υπερεπιφανειών που αναφέρθηκαν στο Κεφάλαιο 4, χρησιμοποιώντας τον τελεστή σχήματός τους. Ειδικότερα, αποδεικνύουμε ότι κάθε τέτοια διαρμονική υπερεπιφάνεια είναι ελαχιστική. / In the present PH.D. thesis we study three problems referred in the pseudo-Euclidean geometry. In the first two chapters, Chapter 1 and Chapter 2, we review known results and describe the basic notions of the Riemannian and Pseudo-Riemannian geometry. In Chapter 3, we study surfaces of revolution of the three dimensional Lorentz-Minkowski space satisfying given geometric condition. In Chapter 4, we find all the canonical forms of the shape operator of the three dimensional hypersurfaces of signature (-, +, -) of the four dimensional pseudo-Euclidean space of signature (-, +, -, +). Finally, in Chapter 5, we study the relation which exists between the biharmonic and minimal hypersurfaces referred in Chapter 4, by using their shape operator. Precisely, we prove that every such biharmonic hypersurface is minimal.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-09-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:09:55Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 padilha_tma_me_mar.pdf: 1717459 bytes, checksum: 39519ad5455a0c1bffa0d8c310e35254 (MD5) / O objetivo geral deste trabalho é acompanhar a reflexão desse autor sobre a questão agráriocamponesa, através da análise dos escritos mais importantes de Lenin sobre o tema, entre os anos de 1893 e 1923. Esse recorte se justifica por encampar todo o período de escritos do autor. Enquanto os marxistas do Ocidente atuavam no seio do movimento operário, Lenin operava no quadro particular da hegemonia ideológica do eslavismo narodinik – populismo russo. Para os populistas o capitalismo era um processo artificial na Rússia e o povo russo encontraria sua redenção através da comuna agrária, considerada pelos narodiniks a essência desse povo. Lenin está claramente posto no campo marxista ao entender a necessidade de desenvolvimento das forças produtivas e, no que diz respeito à revolução, a única classe radicalmente revolucionária seria o operariado. No entanto, sua teoria teve influências dos narodiniks, que acreditavam ser o camponês a única classe revolucionária. É nesse contexto que buscamos entender os meandros em que se forjou a produção teórico-política de Lenin, contemplando sua análise do capitalismo na Rússia e seus desdobramentos; da formação econômico-social específica da Rússia; da revolução burguesa, com a participação dos trabalhadores do campo; do papel do campesinato russo nas transformações sociais; do campesinato no contexto de uma revolução socialista internacional; do campesinato como base social essencial do novo Estado que se originou da Revolução de 1917; e, finalmente, o significado da aliança operário-camponesa. / The general purpose of this work is to follow the discussion about the agrarian-peasant question, by analyzing the most important writings of Lenin on the subject, between the years 1893 and 1923. This cut is justified due to encamp the whole period of the author's writings. While the Western Marxists working within the movement, Lenin worked in specific context of ideological hegemony of the Slav narodinik - Russian populism. The populists believed that capitalism was an artificial process in Russia, therefore, Russian people find their redemption through the agrarian community, deemed by narodiniks the essence of people. Lenin is clearly inserted in the Marxist view of the need for development of productive forces and, regarding the revolution, the only revolutionary class would be radically workforces. However, his theory had narodiniks influences, who believed the peasantry was the only revolutionary class. In this context we seek to understand the intricacies that were forged Lenin’s political-theory production, including his analysis of capitalism in Russia and its developments, the economic and social specific training in Russia, the bourgeois revolution, with the participation of employees in field, the role of the Russian peasantry in the social transformations, the peasantry in the context of an international socialist revolution, the peasantry as a social basis essential that the new state led the Revolution of 1917, and finally, the meaning of the worker-peasant alliance.

This thesis explores how a typical area of rural Wales participated in and was shaped by social and economic change during the period of the Industrial Revolution. It investigates how increasing numbers of people made a livelihood in the Caernarvonshire hundred of Nantconwy over the period 1750-1860, including the role of women in the local economy. A wide range of record types are used to explore inter-relationships between population growth, agriculture, proto-industry, the organisation of farming households, and the livelihoods of the poor. The thesis covers a key gap in the historical literature, as most studies of agrarian change at this period concentrate on England, and there has been little investigation of the experience in rural Wales. Unlike many parts of England where economic modernization was accompanied by growing inequality involving a transition from a household economy to a capitalist tripartite society of landowners, tenant farmers and landless wage labourers, Nantconwy experienced a growth of subsistence smallholding, as more people faced with a shortage of waged employment sought to make a livelihood from the land. Family by-employment and proto-industry also played a crucial role in the local economy. Bringing the commons and wastes into private ownership had relatively little impact on the poor, but smallholders' livelihoods were adversely affected after 1815 by the mechanization of spinning and declining earnings from stocking knitting. Living standards began to improve after 1830 with the expansion of male employment in slate quarrying, while the role of women on family farms was enhanced. Parishes evolved a low-cost system of poor relief which supported mainly older residents who were no longer able to quite make ends meet from the traditional cottager economy, while encouraging the young to leave the land or migrate to local towns or quarrying areas with better employment prospects.

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée. / In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value.

No description available.

The ongoing Fourth Industrial Revolution fundamentally changes the world of work. Recent technological innovations have a significant impact on all areas of the national economy and on our everyday life. This diploma thesis deals with these impacts on the labour market in connection with the advancing trend of automation and digitization of work. Discussion on the future development of the revolution is in the sphere of expertise highly polarized. Versions that represent a negative view of the issue include image of massive job replacement, lack of talent and the rise of social inequality. On the other hand, there are concepts that emphasize the positive impact on the labour market. The aim of this diploma thesis is to classify the trends in the working relations through the comparison of these two opinion streams and the systematic arrangement of the arguments presented by them. The final part addresses the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution in the Czech Republic. KEY WORDS the Fourth Industrial Revolution, automation, digitization, future of work, labour market, flexibility at work, new trends in employment

L’architecte Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault est une figure méconnue dont la redécouverte est relativement récente. Né en 1739 à Château-Chinon, il est élevé dans une famille bourgeoise de culture protestante. Au cours des années 1750, il s’installe à Paris et intègre l’agence de Jacques-Germain Soufflot, alors en pleine effervescence. Le cursus académique qu’il mène en parallèle de cette formation pratique, est couronné par deux seconds Prix en 1758 et en 1760. Soutenu par son maître et par Charles-Nicolas Cochin, il obtient un brevet d’élève architecte de l’Académie de France à Rome et séjourne au Palais Mancini en 1762. À son retour, il poursuit son apprentissage auprès d’Ange-Jacques Gabriel avant d’entamer une carrière au service des financiers d’Ancien Régime. Cette clientèle, à majorité protestante, lui offre l’opportunité de réaliser divers projets à Paris, mais également dans le nord-est du royaume, ainsi qu’en Suisse. Les dernières années du règne de Louis XVI, marquées par l’accession de Jacques Necker à la Direction générale des Finances, constituent le moment fort de sa carrière. Les deux succès publics qu’il remporte à cette époque (Place royale de Brest et hôtel de la Caisse d’escompte) ne voient pourtant jamais le jour, du fait des événements qui agitent le royaume. Après une parenthèse politique dans les premiers temps de la Révolution, il est employé par la Commission des travaux publics avant de devenir architecte des bâtiments civils sous le Directoire. Ce poste, qu’il occupe jusqu’à sa mort, en 1806, lui accorde un statut officiel qui constitue finalement l’aboutissement de la quête de légitimité qu’il mène tout au long de sa carrière. / The architect Claude Jean-Baptiste Jallier de Savault is an unsung figure whose rediscovery is relatively recent. Born in 1739 in Château-Chinon, he grew up in the Protestant milieu of a tradesman family. In the 1750s, he moved to Paris and joined the office of Jacques-Germain Soufflot, then at the height of its activity. The academic course he followed in parallel with this practical training was crowned by two second prizes in 1758 and in 1760. Supported by his master and Charles-Nicolas Cochin, he was accorded the status of a student architect of the Academy of France in Rome and resided at the Palais Mancini in 1762. Upon his return, he continued his apprenticeship with Ange-Jacques Gabriel before starting a career in the service of financiers of the Ancien Régime. This mostly Protestant clientele offered him the opportunity to carry out various projects in Paris, in thenorth-east of the kingdom, as well as in Switzerland. The last years of the reign of Louis XVI, marked by the accession of Jacques Necker to the Directorate General of Finance, was a propitious time in his career. Given thekingdom’s worsening political and financial situation, however, his two public commissions from this time (the Royal square of Brest and the Paris headquarters of the Caisse d’Escompte) were never built. After a brief engagement in political life in the early days of the Revolution, he was employed by the Public Works Commissionand subsequently became an architect of civil buildings under the Directory. With this post, which he held until his death in 1806, he finally gained something of the official status and legitimacy that had long eluded him.

This thesis deals with philosophical questions, related to modern-day technologies and their impact on the future generations education. It specifically focuses on the paradigmatic transformation of everyday empirical experience (of the world) among people who were born into the digital age. They are called "digital natives", and they feel comfortable in the cyberspace´s infosphere. In terms of the philosophy of education, the "digital dementia" is understood as a principal inability and unwillingness to get out of personalised "bubble universe". The goal of education is (in this thesis) understood as a skill how to perform a personal turn-around and how to actively participate their own "philosophy of life", that means to seek for the meaning of the life and live autonomous and authentic lives.

O período histórico iniciado no Brasil com a Abdicação de D. Pedro I foi de reconfiguração do Estado e de constituição de uma determinada idéia de nação que se pretendia propriamente brasileira. Naqueles anos extremamente conflituados, os grupos de elite das várias províncias disputaram a primazia da liderança do processo, divididos entre diferentes concepções de arranjo institucional, além dos vínculos que determinavam uma maior ou menor aproximação com o governo central e a Corte. No Rio Grande do Sul, tal situação culminou na Revolução Farroupilha, evento que, por dez anos, cindiu a província. Um dos elementos fundamentais das disputas era a imprensa periódica, especialmente ativa em tempos conflagrados como aquele, no Brasil e no mundo. Neste contexto, os jornais da época, mais do que meros instrumentos, eram, em conjunto, constituintes de uma arena específica de debates, fundamental na formação de uma incipiente opinião pública. A partir do reconhecimento desta relevância, a tese analisa a imprensa sul-rio-grandense avaliada como legalista, isto é, por contraposição às folhas farroupilhas e/ou simpatizantes, no período compreendido entre 1831 e 1845. Objetiva-se destacar o trabalho de formulação e divulgação da defesa da unidade e integridade, salientando a posição de uma parcela da elite da província que via na aproximação com o centro o meio mais favorável de garantir a sua própria posição. Para tanto, sustentava uma visão particular da construção do Estado, na qual conceitos fundamentais do debate político – tais como república, federalismo, império e nação – eram analisados em função da sua adequação a um projeto mais amplo. Centrando a atenção nos usos de alguns destes conceitos, balizadores dos debates, o trabalho analisa as peculiaridades de um discurso que, ao final, foi hegemônico no decorrer do século XIX. Sem deixar de apontar para um futuro de progresso, quase que uma imposição dos tempos, a retórica centralista necessitaria contemplar também a garantia de segurança social exigida por uma concepção de nação que buscava enquadrar uma sociedade heterogênea e hierárquica. / The historical period which began in Brazil with the Abdication of Dom Pedro I was a time of reconfiguring the state and of the constitution a certain idea of nation that was intended to be specifically Brazilian. In those extremely conflictive years, elite groups of the various provinces disputed the primacy of the leadership of the process, torn between different conceptions of institutional arrangements, beyond the ties that determined a greater or lesser proximity to the central government and the Court. In Rio Grande do Sul, this situation culminated with the Farroupilha Revolution, an event that, for ten years, split the province. A fundamental element of the disputes was the periodical press, especially active in those warring times, in Brazil and in the rest of the world. In this context, the newspapers, more than mere instruments, were, when taken together, creators of a specific arena of debates, fundamental to the formation of an incipient public opinion. Recognizing this importance, the thesis examines the southern press evaluated as legalistic, that is, opposed to the papers of the farroupilhas or sympathizers, in the period between 1831 and 1845. It aims to highlight the work of the formulation and dissemination of a defense of the unity and integrity of the nation, stressing the position of a parcel of the elite, which saw the approximation with the center the more favorable way to ensure its own position. To this end, it sustained a particular view of state-building, in which basic concepts of the political debate - such as a republic, federalism, nation and empire - were analyzed in terms of their suitability to a wider project. Focusing on the uses of some of these concepts, beacons for the discussions, the paper analyzes the peculiarities of a discourse that, in the end, was hegemonic during the nineteenth century. While pointing to a future of progress, almost an imposition of the times, the centralist rhetoric also needed to include the guarantee of a social security required by a conception of nation that sought to frame a heterogeneous and hierarchical society.