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This thesis examines the portraiture of Elisabeth Vigée-Lebrun and Adélaide Labille-Guiard within the context of their time. Analysis of specific portraits in American collections is provided, along with an examination of their careers: early education, Academic Royale membership, Salon exhibitions, and the French Revolution. Discussion includes the artists' opposing stylistic heritages, as well as the influences of their patronage, the French art academy and art criticism. This study finds that Salon critics compared their paintings, but not with the intention of creating a bitter personal and professional rivalry between them as presumed by some twentieth-century art historians. This thesis concludes those critics simply addressed their opposing artistic styles and that no such rivalry existed.

Oppression and dictatorship were rife in this traditional Roman Catholic Portuguese state. The Portuguese Empire collapsed and the period immediately after the 1974 Revolution was marked by Communist influence. However, democracy rose with the 1976 Constitution and its subsequent Revisions addressing various aspects of freedom but neglected to address religious freedom. Specific legislation pertaining to freedom of religion was only adopted more than three decades later in 2001. Consequently, the study intended to reveal the status of religious freedom in Portugal as a result of the 1974 Revolution. The hypothesis of this study is that there was resistance to the implementation of religious freedom in Portuguese legislation and society which continued until 2009, the point at which this study ends. Relevant legislation regarding religious freedom was the adoption of the 2001 Religious Freedom Act followed by the signing of the 2004 Concordat. Thus, this important question is relevant, was religious freedom respected in Portugal in 2009? Subsequently, this study tested and proved the hypothesis that religious freedom was not fully applied in Portuguese legislation and society up to the period under study. The adoption of the 2004 Concordat proved that there was still confusion regarding the legal status of religious freedom in the country. The methodology used to collect the data for this study included numerous articles, letters, national and international legislation, anecdotal evidence as well as literature and in-depth interviews to collect oral historical information. This study is located in the theoretical framework of the transformative theory of religious freedom. The thesis revealed that even if the 1974 Revolution brought in freedom of religion the concept still lacks full implementation according to Articles 18, 19, and 20 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Articles 9, 10 and 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Church History)

The Master's thesis "The Clean War Concept as a Part of American Foreign Policy 1989-2001" deals with the influence of the Clean War Concept, the unwillingness of the U.S. public and politicians to risk the loss of life among members of the American armed forces, and the deployment of U.S. military missions abroad. The aim of the thesis is to verify this concept. The research examines the conditions in five selected U.S. deployments and consequent comparisons with the Clean War Concept. The selected deployments share in common the possibility that U.S. soldiers were in danger of being killed. The deployments took place between 1989 and 2001. This era, which, from an international relations perspective, can be seen as relatively homogenous, is characterized by U.S. dominance. The work includes a brief historical overview of U.S. deployments during the Cold War period and the Vietnam War in particular because the Clean War Concept was conceived as a consequence of this deployment. The thesis explains the relationship between the Revolution in military affairs in favor of the Clean War Concept, and argues that the concept allows for U.S. deployments abroad that are in accordance with it.

In dieser Publikation, die als Resultat eines Workshops im Frauenstadtarchtiv Dresden 2019 entstand, kommen Frauen zu Wort, die ihre Kindheit in der DDR und ihre Jugend in der „Wendezeit“/Transformationszeit erlebt haben.

Rape had an indelible effect on the American Revolutionary era. Using trial testimonies and depositions, newspapers, and literary sources, this thesis argues that there was a level of continuity between peacetime and wartime rape characterized by the assaulters’ modus operandi and rape’s ideological exploitation. Eighteenth-century Anglo-American society dictated that rape, or “carnal knowledge of a woman forcibly against her will,” was only a crime against virtuous white women. The gendered and racialized ways pre-revolutionary society identified and prosecuted rape influenced how rapists conducted their assaults. Women had to prove their sexual morality, that penile penetration and male ejaculation occurred, and that they sought help immediately after the assault to prosecute their attackers. During the war, rape became an important metaphor. Wartime publishers and propagandists used reports and victim testimonies as evidence of British immorality and to justify political independence. The rape of America subsumed individual atrocities. The nationalization of women’s sexual virtue continued into the new Republic. Artists and writers memorialized the Revolution through explicitly sexualized narratives and sentimental novels that emphasized female sexual morality. Women’s sexual virtue was linked with the stability of the Republic. This thesis utilizes a diverse historiography to highlight the intersectional correlations between rape and eighteenth-century patriarchal power in America. / Graduate / 2022-08-26

The presented dissertation focuses on the large-scale privatization in Czechoslovakia in the early 1990's, on how it was pushed through and why. It analyses the political conflicts over its eventual form and means of realization, and reconstructs the contemporary expectations concerning the future development. It also pays attention to the roots of the 1990's conflicts in the relevant economic disputes of the previous decades. The dissertation identifies an establishment of a new type of liberal political language as a key moment for the implementation of a large-scale privatization. For the new political language, which can be labelled as "market without adjectives" (or "attributes"), the privatization was a flagship policy and it encompassed its key ideas. The language of market without adjectives was defined in a strong opposition to the principles of the so-called "economic democracy", which had been popular among the members of the Czechoslovak dissent, the numerous supporters of workers' self- governing bodies and some economic experts. The attempts to implement the principles of market without adjectives occurred during several political conflicts the dissertation tries to analyse. The delimitation of space for democratic decision making was one of them, with the liberal economists arguing...

The aim of this essay is to analyse the progression between textbooks written for lower secondary school and upper secondary school that help students to evolve their history consciousness. The study examined how two textbooks each from three different history courses presented the Industrial Revolution and if there is a progression in content between the textbooks. To examine this, texts, study questions and illustrations were examined with a comparative analysis. The results showed that progression occurs between textbooks written for lower secondary school and upper secondary school. This is foremost seen quantitatively, in an increasing amount of facts. However, this increase is not great and can mainly be seen as an increase of facts in combination of the portraiture of new perspectives e.g. the industrialisations impact on society and democracy.

Au sortir de la Grande Guerre, de jeunes hommes d’une génération promise au combat mais privée de la mission eschatologique qui lui était dévolue, donnent un sens à leur vie en s’investissant dans la lutte pour la Bretagne. Hantés par l’expérience perdue de la guerre, ils conçoivent l’idée que la Bretagne elle-même a perdu la guerre. A leurs yeux, cette défaite justifie leur combat : le nationalisme breton de l’entre-deux-guerres est une guerre continuée, que les biographies croisées de quatre de ces jeunes hommes permettent de suivre, pas à pas.Dans leur lutte, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé et Fouéré cherchent des alliés, choisis en fonction d’une parenté de sort supposée. Ce sont d’abord les Irlandais, les Gallois, les Écossais. Mais l’interceltisme est un échec et les nationalistes bretons se tournent vers la Flandre, la Corse et l’Alsace, ainsi que vers l’Allemagne, pays vaincu qui anime clandestinement la contestation des nationalités européennes afin de remettre en cause les traités de 1919.Par ces échanges, les jeunes Bretons inscrivent leur action dans les divers courants de réflexion qui traversent l’Europe de la fin des années 1920 et du début des années 1930. Ainsi, l’expérience de la création d’une littérature bretonnante que l’on espère novatrice est une déclinaison locale de la Révolution conservatrice pensée en Allemagne ; le Parti Autonomiste Breton est fédéraliste et européiste, à l’instar des groupes « réalistes » qui s’expriment à Paris ; les cadres du Parti National Breton font l’expérience du « spiritualisme » et du « personnalisme » que théorisent les « relèves »parisiennes et européennes, certains adhèrent également au nordisme que leur inspirent des intellectuels proches de la SS.Dans cette optique, il apparaît clairement que le combat breton tel qu’il fut mené dans l’entre-deux-guerres n’a rien de spécifiquement breton : il est l’expression locale de mouvements de pensée européens, autant que la projection d’angoisses et de préoccupations personnelles de quelques meneurs plus ou moins charismatiques. Il en résulte une multiplication des revues ou actions aussi complémentaires que concurrentes, ainsi qu’une grande variation de la qualité des relations interpersonnelles, notamment au sujet de questions aussi cruciales en Bretagne que la religion.En 1939, les connivences avec les milieux de la Révolution Conservatrice allemande, les diverses expérimentations idéologiques, les choix personnels et diverses opportunités conduisent les meneurs nationalistes bretons à entretenir une alliance avec l’occupant dont ils obtiennent bien moins que ce qu’ils espèrent, sans toutefois que cela ne remette en cause les gages que nombre de militants bretons ne cessent d’offrir aux Allemands, à divers degrés. Mais si de l’histoire du mouvement breton, on ne retient volontiers que quelques épisodes spectaculaires et dramatiques de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, force est de constater que cette dernière ne fut pour lui qu’une mise en application d’idées énoncées bien avant partout en Europe, et adaptées à la Bretagne par quelques personnalités hors norme. / In the aftermath of the First World War, a generation of young men sworn to combat - yet restricted from the eschatological mission destined to them - resolve to find meaning in their lives by fully devoting themselves to fight for Brittany. Somewhat haunted by the wasteful experience of war, they consider Brittany itself as having failed. In their opinion, this defeat justifies their fight : the Breton nationalism of the inter-war period is a continued war, and can be traced through the biographies of four young men.In their struggle, Mordrel, Delaporte, Lainé and Fouéré seek for allies from supposed similar backgrounds, looking first to Ireland, Wales, and Scotland. Nevertheless, this kind of pan-Celticism fails, so the Breton nationalists direct their energies towards Flanders, Corsica and Alsace - as well as Germany, a defeated country which clandestinely challenges European nationalities, in order to dispute the various 1919 Treaties.As a result of these foreign exchanges, the young Bretons invest themselves into various schools of thought which spread across Europe in the late 1920s and the early 1930s. Thus the creation of a Breton Literature believed to be innovative can indeed be considered as a local variation of German conservative revolutionary thinking. The Breton Autonomist Party is federalist and pro-Europe, such as other 'realist' groups which are forming in Paris. The directors of the Breton National party experiment in « spiritualism » and « personalism » as theorised by Parisian and European « relèves » (relief teams), and some of these directors are also inspired to adhere to Nordism by intellectuals inclose contact with the SS.With all this in mind, it appears that the activities carried out in the name of the « Breton struggle » during the inter-war period are in no way unique to Brittany. Rather, they are the local expression of movements of European thinking, as well as the projection of anxiety and personal issues of some considerably charismatic leaders. This results in an increase in the publication of reviews and actions - both complementary and opposing to the cause - as well big differences in the quality of interpersonal relationships, in particular about issues as crucial to Brittany as religion.In 1939, collusion with the German Conservative Revolution, various ideological experiments, personal decisions, and other diverse factors conduce the nationalist Breton leaders to engage in an alliance with the occupier. This alliance offers them signifìcantly fewer benefits than were hoped for, yet at the same time many Breton militants do not question their involvement and pledges made with the Germans, to varying degrees.If we only remember a few dramatic and sensational episodes of the Breton movement during the Second World War, it must be noted that these episodes are largely the execution of theories circulating long before, all over Europe, and adapted to the Breton cause by a small number of atypical people.

After the students in high school have learned to integrate a function, the calculation of the volume of a solid of revolution, like a rotated parabola, is taken as a good applied example. The next step is to calculate the volume of an object of reality which is interpreted as a solid of revolution of a given function f(x). The students do all these calculations in the same way and get the same result. Consequently the teachers can easily decide if a result is right or wrong. If the students have learned to work with a graphical or CAS calculator, they can calculate the volume of solids of revolution in reality by modelling a possible fitted function f(x). Every student has to decide which points of the curve that generates the solid of revolution can be taken and which function will suitably fit the curve. In Austrian high schools teachers use GeoGebra as a software which allows you to insert photographs or scanned material in the geometric window as a background picture. In this case the student and the teacher can control if the graph of the calculated function will fit the generating curve in a useful way.