Cette thèse est une contribution aux études contemporaines sur les rapports entre savoirs et empires. Elleexamine les modalités de l’engagement des militaires dans la production de savoirs portant sur l’Empireottoman, au regard du projet impérialiste français. Cette étude se veut une histoire sociale et intellectuelle dessavoirs militaires français dans cette situation spécifique. Elle a pour objet les écrits des officiers de la IIIeRépublique portant sur l’Empire ottoman et la Turquie, du congrès de Berlin (1878) au déclenchement de laSeconde Guerre mondiale (1939). La production de ces écrits est appréhendée dans la période de passage del’Empire ottoman à la République de Turquie ; d’un Empire à un État-nation. L’analyse des carrières desofficiers permet de situer les terrains ottomans et post-ottomans dans un espace plus élargi, tenant compte descirculations entre la France métropolitaine et ses colonies. Elle permet aussi de situer ces savoirs vis-à-vis d’unterrain qui apparaît comme un lieu à la fois d’acquisition et de mise à l’épreuve. Ainsi, nous définissons deuxtypes de circulations : transcoloniales et transottomanes. Les officiers et les savoirs circulent au sein de cesespaces multiples et connectés. La construction et les usages de savoirs sont examinés d’abord depuis le centred’un Empire en situation de paix : à Istanbul durant le règne d’Abdülhamid II et pendant la période jeuneturque.Nous nous focalisons sur les formes d’interaction (collaborations et résistances) entre les officiersfrançais et leurs interlocuteurs privilégiés : les élites militaires jeunes-turques qui jouent un rôle central dansles évolutions politiques du pays, de la révolution de 1908 à la fondation de la République de Turquie (1923).Le choix de l’armée française en tant qu’objet d’étude fait apparaître des formes territorialisées de la présencefrançaise et des types de savoirs qui lui sont liés, notamment dans les provinces : dans le cadre des missionsmilitaires (Macédoine ottomane, 1904-1914), des guerres et des occupations (Dardanelles, 1915, Istanbul,1918-1923, Cilicie, 1919-1921). Dans ces configurations, la production des savoirs est mise au service del’action (conquête, administration, pacification). Nous nous sommes aussi interrogés sur la redéfinition du rôledes officiers et de leurs savoirs sous la République de Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1923-1939). La diversité dessupports de production des savoirs (production interne à l’armée, publications) et des discours (cohérences,discontinuités) des officiers français en situation impériale contredit ainsi l’idée d’une « Grande Muette », dontles agents seraient réduits à des rôles d’exécutants. / This dissertation is a contribution to the contemporary study of the relationship between knowledge and empire.It examines the modalities of the involvement of French officers in the production of knowledge on theOttoman Empire in the framework of French imperialism. In this regard, this study aspires to present a socialand intellectual history of French military knowledge. Its case study deals with the writings of officers of theThird Republic on the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, from the Congress of Berlin (1878) until the outbreak ofthe Second World War (1939). The production of these writings is considered within the framework of thetransition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey, i.e. from an empire to a nation state. Throughan analysis of the officers’ careers, the study situates the Ottoman and post-Ottoman spaces within a largerfield that takes into account the circulation between metropolitan France and its colonies. It also allows forsituating these forms of knowledge vis-a-vis the very field that functions as a space for both acquisition of andexperimentation with it. Thus, two kinds of circulations are defined: the trans-colonial and the trans-Ottoman.Both the officers and their forms of knowledge circulate within and between these multiple and connectedspaces. The construction and use of these forms of knowledge are examined first for an imperial center in timesof peace, i.e. Istanbul during the reign of Abdülhamid II, and second for the Young Turk period. The studyfocuses on the forms of interactions (collaboration and resistance) between the French officers and theirprivileged interlocutors, the Young-Turk military elites who play a central role in the political developmentsof the country from the revolution of 1908 to the foundation of the Republic of Turkey (1923). The choice ofthe French army as an object of study reveals the regionally specific forms of both the French presence and ofthe forms of knowledge intricately tied to it, particularly in the provinces during military missions (OttomanMacedonia, 1904-1914), wars and occupations (Dardanelles, 1915, Istanbul, 1918-1923, Cilicia, 1919-1921).In these contexts, the production of knowledge serves the course of action (conquest, administration,pacification). This study also questions the redefinition of the role of the officers and their knowledge duringthe Republic of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1923-1939). The diversity of the media of knowledge production(knowledge production internal to the army, publications) and of the discourses of French officers(consistencies, discontinuities) who are part of the imperial project contradicts the idea of a Grande Muette, a“Great Mute [army]” whose agents are conceptually reduced to the role of mere recipients of orders.

Les pays du Moyen-Orient et d’Afrique du Nord sont connus pour leurs richesses et leur diversité, conséquence d’une histoire économique et politique longue de plusieurs décennies. Ils s’étendent sur une vaste étendue allant du golfe Persique à l'est, jusqu’à l'Océan Atlantique à l'ouest. Cette région appelée parfois MENA (Middle East and North Africa) comprend la plus grande partie du Sud-Ouest de l'Asie et l'Afrique du nord. Elle inclut sur le continent asiatique l’Iran, la Turquie et tous les pays arabes. En Afrique du nord, elle inclut l’Égypte, la Tunisie, la Libye, le Maroc et l'Algérie.Cette thèse commence par une première partie consacrée à la géographie et l’histoire des principaux pays de la région en commençant par les dernières décennies vécues par l’Empire Ottoman. Dans la deuxième partie nous présentons un panorama économique et social des pays de la zone.Dans la troisième partie nous nous concentrons sur la politique monétaire. Cette politique est l'une des politiques économiques les plus importantes, car son succès est sensé contribué à la réussite et au développement d’autres politiques. Nous analysons les relations problématiques entre le gouvernement au pouvoir exécutif et la Banque centrale en tant qu’autorité monétaire. / The Countries in the Middle East and North Africa are known for their wealth and diversity as a result of a decades-long economic and political history. They extend over a vast expanse from the Persian Gulf to the east, to the Atlantic Ocean to the west. This region sometimes referred to as MENA (Middle East and North Africa) includes most of Southwest Asia and North Africa. It includes on the Asian continent Iran, Turkey and all the Arab countries. In North Africa, it includes Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Morocco and Algeria.This thesis begins with a first part devoted to the geography and history of the main countries of the region, starting with the last decades lived by the Ottoman Empire.In the second part we present an economic and social panorama of the countries of the zone.In the third part we focus on monetary policy. This policy is one of the most important economic policies, as its success is supposed to contribute to the success and development of other policies. We analyze the problematic relations between the executive government and the central bank as monetary authority.

The thesis investigates the early phases of apartment block development in Istanbul, which took place in the second half of the 19th century. Apartment block development represents a unique process in Istanbul. It not only reflects the &ldquo / west-oriented&rdquo / side of the Ottoman Empire but also sheds light on the transformation of urban fabric from pre-modern to modern. The emergence of apartment blocks in Istanbul, hence, does not simply imply the adoption of a &ldquo / western&rdquo / and &ldquo / modern&rdquo / life, but also reflect a spatial transformation. To clarify this unique process, the thesis studies the social and spatial aspects of apartment block development from 1889 to 1922. The study uses the Annuaire Orientals related to the years of 1889, 1893, 1896, 1910 and 1922. Through the use of the Annuaire data, it investigates on the &lsquo / social profile&rsquo / of the early apartment residents and &lsquo / spatial setting&rsquo / of apartment blocks. Doing this, the study aims to shed light on the socio-spatial differentiation behind the apartment block development.

The capture of Constantinople by the Ottoman armies of Mehmed II in 1453 was a cataclysmic event that reverberated throughout Renaissance Europe. This event intensified the exodus of Byzantines to Italy and beyond and they brought along with them the heritage of Greek antiquity. Laonikos Chalkokondyles contributed to the Renaissance with his detailed application of Herodotos to the fifteenth century, Apodeixis Historion, and made sense of the rise of the Ottomans with the lens of ancient history. The Apodeixis was printed in Latin, French, and Greek and was widely successful. The historian restored Herodotean categories of ethnicity, political rule, language, and geography to make sense of contemporary events and peoples. This was a thorough study of ancient historiography and Laonikos thus parted ways with previous Byzantine historians. I refer to Laonikos' method as "revolutionary classicizing", to describe the ways in which he abandoned the ideal of lawful imperium and restored the model of oriental tyranny when he described the nascent Ottoman state. What appears to be emulation of the ancient classics was radical revival of political concepts such as city-states as ethnic units, freedom defined as independence from foreign rule, law-giving as fundamental aspect of Hellenic tradition which did not encompass the Christian period. Laonikos has often been studied in the context of proto-nationalist historiography as he had composed a universal history, wherein he had related extensive information on various ethnic and political units in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. However, such proto-nationalist application does not fully capture Laonikos’ classicizing interests. Laonikos referred to his contemporaries as Hellenes, not because he was a nationalist who defined political identity only by recourse to language and common history. Rather, Laonikos believed that Hellenic identity, both referring to paganism as well as ethnicity, was relevant and not bankrupt. Importantly, we introduce manuscripts that have not yet been utilized to argue that Hellenism as paganism was living reality for Laonikos, his Platonist teacher Plethon, and their circle of intellectuals in the fifteenth century.

Various representations of the figure of Salomé and the Biblical legend have been produced in the European, specifically in the English literature and arts throughout the nineteenth century. Oscar Wilde’s 1891 dramatic version of the legend in many ways epitomizes the full potential of the legend and capitalizes on the period’s fascination with the Orient. The climax of the orientalism of the play, the Dance of the Seven Veils, offers a unique reflection on European fantasies about the harem and invites a comparison to Ottoman representations of this same cultural space. This project seeks to analyze the relation between the Dance of the Seven Veils as presented by Wilde, and the figure of dancing woman in the harem of the Ottoman Empire. It is the slippage between the two which has informed various representations of the Oriental female figure in the West. The gap that emerges between the Western representations and the real practices in the harem, allows for a focused critique of Orientalist practices while recovering, in some ways, the actual experience of Muslim women.The vision of the harem that the Dance of the Seven Veils in Wilde’s Salomé offers is informed not by an actual encounter, but by the image of the harem as understood in nineteenth century English culture. At the same time, it participates in Victorian feminist debates on liberating the oppressed harem woman from her veils, her sexualization, and her objectification. Ultimately the dance functions as a reaffirmation of conventional gender roles as understood in Victorian society. / text

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Michael Krysko / David Stone / Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, who was a nationalist leader and founder and first president of the republic of Turkey, still remains an important figure in the Turkish political and social landscape. Kemalist historiography, which is based on Mustafa Kemal’s six-day speech (Nutuk) in October 1927, emphasizes the foundation of the Republic as central to Turkish history. While this historiography emphasizes that Mustafa Kemal had an explicit plan during his modernization efforts, this dissertation will cover how Mustafa Kemal was incoherent in his actions and changed his discourses over and over again during the change of the political structure of Turkey. Beyond that, this study will suggest that Mustafa Kemal was an opportunist and pragmatist who utilized every single event to establish a Jacobin style autocracy. This research will discuss how Mustafa Kemal succeeded in using every opportunity, such as the Law of Supreme Commander Act in August 1921, the abolition of Sultanate in 1922, the establishment of Republic in 1923, the abolition of Caliphate in 1924, and the elimination of opposition in 1925, to establish his personal autocracy. In particular, the records of Assembly debates, not sufficiently used by Turkish historians, will be helpful to understand the creation of this personal autocracy. While Kemalist historiography credits Mustafa Kemal Ataturk with the original and unique conception of the social, legal, and educational reforms of the early Republican period, this dissertation argues that this approach is not balanced. Although the Kemalist historiography asserts that Mustafa Kemal and his legacy represent carrying out Enlightenment ideals in an obsolete society almost totally ignorant of these principles, the Kemalist modernization got a great inheritance from its predecessors, the Young Turks. Therefore, the Kemalist overstatement of an idealist figure of Mustafa Kemal is wrong in some degree. This dissertation aims to scrutinize the contribution of the Ottoman reformers and contradictions, mistakes, and overstatements of the Kemalist modernization project in social, legal, and educational areas by the help of wide primary sources which include official reports of the Grand National Assembly, the Republican Era archives and a mass of periodicals which were published in 1920s in Turkey.

De la prise de Constantinople en 1453 à la conquête ottomane des territoires mamelouks en 1517, l’ordre géopolitique de la Méditerranée orientale connaît une reconfiguration rapide. Face à l’expansion ottomane accélérée dans le sud des Balkans, le Stato da Mar vénitien se renforce et croît légèrement. Il en résulte la constitution de frontières et de zones de contact nombreuses entre ces deux puissances inégales mais que réunissent des intérêts économiques ainsi que le souci politique d’administrer des provinces voisines. Étudier les contacts entre ces deux puissances dans ces décennies de transition ne signifie donc pas observer les rapports entre des blocs politiques homogènes, mais au contraire comprendre comment s’organisent les échanges et les circulations entre des territoires où l’autorité impériale s’exerce de façon différenciée.Cette recherche navigue entre capitales et provinces. De la Dalmatie jusqu’à l’est de la mer Égée, on repère en effet des formes de diplomatie frontalière, permises par la relative autonomie des autorités et des sociétés locales, ainsi que l’existence de stratégies pour s’adapter à la présence croissante des marchands ottomans. Derrière les promesses des capitulations se dessine ainsi une histoire politique et sociale des contacts dont la gestion se met en place à différentes échelles, par un système de co-administration appelé à une certaine pérennité, ce qui permet d’évaluer à quel point les connexions impériales transforment aussi les sociétés qu’elles concernent. / From the capture of Constantinople in 1453 to the Ottoman conquest of Mamluk territories in 1517, the geopolitical order of the Eastern Mediterranean was quickly reconfigurated. Facing the accelerated Ottoman expansion in the South Balkans, Venice consolidated its power on the Stato da Mar and slightly extended its maritimes territories. As a result, large borders and contact zones were created between these two unequal powers who nonetheless shared economic interests as well as a political concerns for governing provinces often in neighbouring positions. Studying the contacts between these two powers in the years of transition is not a monolithic attempt to examine the relations between two homogeneous political bodies, but rather to understand how exchanges and circulations worked between territories where Imperial authority was unequally effective on the ground.This research navigates between the capital-cities and the provinces. The various forms of border diplomacy spread from Dalmatia to the East of the Aegean were enabled by the relative autonomy of local authorities and societies, while institutions were also adapting to the growing presence of Ottoman merchants. Behind the promises of the peace treaties emerges therefore a political and social history of contacts governed simultaneously at several levels, which fostered a long-lasting system of co-administration. This leads us to examine to what point Imperial connexions had an impact on the very societies they connected.

Au début du XXème siècle, l'espace urbain de Rhodes est marqué par la coexistence de sujets Orthodoxes, Musulmans, Juifs et Catholiques. En 1912, l’Italie occupe ce centre d’une province ottomane. Après le Traité de Lausanne de 1923, l’occupation militaire italienne devient une administration civile et Rhodes devient ainsi un protectorat de l’état fasciste. L’historiographie a traité cet objet d’étude soit en se concentrant sur une seule des communautés confessionnelles, soit sur les structures gouvernementales, et elle montre une tendance à voir les dernières années d’administration Ottomane et l’administration italienne comme deux objets d’analyse séparés. Cette thèse offre une approche plus inclusive à travers la combinaison de sources de type, langue, et origine différente. Situé au carrefour entre histoire sociale et culturelle, le récit est centré sur les trajectoires de vie d’individus appartenant aux différentes confessions et sur leur rapport avec les institutions pendant le passage de la domination ottomane à la domination italienne. À part les changements de pratiques de gouvernance au sein des institutions, il est possible d’observer à cette époque des diverses innovations relatives à l’espace et aux formes de socialisation. Cette thèse interroge cette double échelle de transformation à travers une perspective inspirée par les études en sciences sociales autour de la notion de génération et jeunesse. L’étude porte sur les pratiques de démarcation et circulation de ressources entre les différentes générations d’une famille. De plus, la recherche inclut les configurations qui s’étendent au-delà des limites de la famille mais qui sont influencées par les rapport entre générations, comme l’école, les associations, les partis. Dans le contexte étudié, les institutions locales essaient de réguler la divergence produite par le fait que, dans la plupart des familles, les enfant sont socialisés différemment par rapport à leur parents. Cela aboutit à une communalisation et à une étatisation des ressources, deux tendances qui persistent avec des modalités et des motifs différents, de la période ottomane à l’italienne. Le but de ce processus est de domestiquer des formes de sociabilité et il se penche sur l’évocation de la « jeunesse » comme objet de cette domestication. Ainsi, le terme « jeunesse » sert à prescrire des normes de conduite et à légitimer l’intervention institutionnelle dans la régulation de la gestion des ressources. / In the early twentieth century, the urban setting of Rhodes was characterized by the coexistence ofOrthodox, Muslims, Jews and Catholics. In 1912, this Ottoman provincial center was occupied by Italy.After the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, the Italian military occupation changed to a civil administration,and Rhodes became a protectorate of the Fascist state. The historiography has dealt with this settingeither by focusing on one confessional community, or on governmental structures, tending to see the lateOttoman and the Italian administration as two mutually exclusive objects of analysis. This dissertationoffers a more inclusive approach through the combination of sources of different origin, type, andlanguage. Situated at the crossroad of social and cultural history, the narrative is centered on lifetrajectories of individuals belonging to all confessions and their encounter with institutions from Ottomanto Italian rule. Next to changes in institutions and practices of governance, several innovations related tospaces and forms of socialization are observable in this period. This dissertation investigates such doublelevel of change through a perspective inspired by studies in social sciences about generations and youth.In other words, the study focuses on practices of demarcation and circulation of resources between thegenerations of a family. Additionally, figurations expanding outside the boundaries of a family – schools,associations, parties, etc. – but reflecting such generational interplay are taken into account. Since formost families children socialized differently from their parents, local institutions were concerned aboutregulating this divergence. The corresponding communalization and statalization of resources are trendspersisting, with different modalities and motives, from the Ottoman to the Italian period. This processaimed at domesticating forms of sociability, and it relied on evoking “youth” as the object of thisdomestication. Thus, the term “youth” served the purpose of prescribing norms of behavior andlegitimizing institutional intervention in regulating the management of resources.

À l’issue des deux guerres balkaniques, en décembre 1913, les consuls de Salonique reçoivent des mains du gouvernement hellène une circulaire annonçant la suppression des capitulations. S’achève alors l’histoire du consulat de France en Macédoine ottomane, commencée en 1686. Cette région de l’Empire ottoman, quasiment inconnue du grand public européen avant les événements du tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles, est pourtant emblématique du déploiement de la diplomatie consulaire française au cours du long du XIXe siècle. Malgré sa réorganisation théorique par l’ordonnance de 1781, le consulat de Salonique demeure longtemps à la marge de la machine diplomatique française avant de s’y intégrer progressivement. Les réalités locales conditionnent en effet autant, si ce n’est davantage, le quotidien de la gestion du poste, confrontant les consuls à l’expérience de l’altérité. / In December 1913, just after the two Balkan wars, the Hellenic Governor of Salonica communicate to all the consuls a circular announcing the abolition of the capitulations, ending the story of the French consulate in Ottoman Macedonia, started in 1686. Even if this region of the Ottoman Empire is mostly unknown in Europe before the events of the beginning of the 20th century, the case of the French Consulate in Salonica is emblematic of the deployment of the French consular diplomacy during the long nineteenth century. Despite its theoretical reorganization in 1781, the consulate of Salonica long remained at the margin of the French diplomatic machine before gradually become integrated. Much more than the diplomatic level, local realities precondition the daily running of the office, confronting the consuls to the common experience of otherness.

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