A travers l’étude de l’éducation des jeunes Arméniennes, ce travail permet d’éclairer les évolutions culturelles et sociales d’une des minorités de l’Empire ottoman, avant sa disparition lors du génocide de 1915. Au début du XIXe siècle, les missionnaires protestants américains furent les pionniers dans la formation féminine au moment où les élites arméniennes se montraient aussi soucieuses du progrès de la nation par l’instruction. Les congréganistes catholiques français présents depuis des siècles auprès des chrétiens orientaux cherchent à réagir face à cette vigoureuse concurrence. Ils font appel à des religieuses des provinces de France, capables de s'adapter à des situations précaires. Pénétrer dans les familles, former la jeune fille, future mère, c'est permettre l'enracinement d'une culture catholique de tradition française. Le cadre chronologique, allant de 1840 à 1915, englobe la période de la présence des missions féminines dont l’action a été moins étudiée que celle des ordres masculins. La recherche s'appuie sur des archives publiques (diplomatiques et nationales) et surtout religieuses des ordres concernés (Dames de Sion, Franciscaines de Lons-le-Saunier, Oblates de l’Assomption, Sœurs de Saint-Joseph de l’Apparition, Sœurs de Saint-Joseph de Lyon, Capucins, Frères des Ecoles chrétiennes, Jésuites à Vanves et à Rome, Œuvres Pontificales missionnaires à Lyon), le plus souvent inexploitées, ainsi que sur la presse et les témoignages d’époque. Piliers des établissements catholiques français des zones rurales, en Anatolie orientale, mais aussi de ceux des grandes métropoles, de nombreuses Arméniennes acquièrent très jeunes une double culture franco-arménienne devenant ainsi des médiatrices pour la pénétration du savoir et de la culture de la France dans les établissements, et au-delà dans la société de l’Empire ottoman finissant. Des thèmes d’une portée plus générale sont abordés : les stratégies des religieux pour s’implanter et durer en terre musulmane face au frein du pouvoir ottoman et des Eglises nationales, l’évolution du statut de la femme et sa professionnalisation en Orient, l'éclosion d'élites féminines ouvertes à la modernité. En 1920, une page se tourne avec la destruction des écoles missionnaires en Anatolie, en même temps que l'extermination des chrétiens dans cet espace. / Throughout the study of the education of young Armenian girls, this piece of work allows light to be thrown on the cultural and social evolution of one of the minorities of the ottoman Empire, before its disappearance after the genocide of 1915. At the beginning of the 19th century, the American Protestant missionaries were pioneers in guidance of young women at the moment when the Armenian elite showed itself equally concerned about the nation's progress through education. The French Catholic Congregationallsts, present for centuries with the Eastern Christians, are trying to react to this vigorous competition. They made an appeal to nuns from the provinces of France who were capable of adapting themselves to precarious situations. To engage with the families, shape the young girl, a future mother, is to allow the implanting of catholic culture with the French tradition. The chronological framework, from 1840 to 1915, covers the whole period of presence of female missions whose actions were less studied than those of male orders. The research relies on the public archives (diplomatic and national) and above all religious from the relative orders (Ladies of Sion, Franciscaines of Lons-le-Saunier, Oblates of the Assumption, Sisters of St Joseph of the Apparition, Sisters of St Joseph of Lyon, Capucines, Brothers of Christian schools, Jesuits at Vanves and in Rome, missionary Pontifical works at Lyon), the most frequently unexploited along with the press and witnesses of the time. Pillars of the French Catholic establishments in rural areas in western Anatolia but also those of large metropolitan areas, very many Armenian women acquired a dual Franco-Armenian culture, becoming in this way the vehicles for the absorption of French knowledge and culture in the establishment, and further into the society of the Ottoman Empire which was coming to the end. Some themes of a more general view are tackled : the strategies of monks and nuns to implant themselves and last in Muslin territory faced with the restrictions of Ottoman power, the blossoming of elite young girls open to modernity. In 1920, a page was turned with the disappearance of missionary schools in Anatolia at the same time as the disappearance of Christians in this place.

This thesis examines how Jews of the Ottoman Empire responded to newfound opportunities that emerged across the domains of the late Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century due to the Ottoman bureaucratic reforms (Tanzimat). It challenges the discourses that argue that Jews engaged probing issues such as nationalism in a monolithic fashion. Rather, Sephardi and Arab Jews, based on socioeconomic status and geographic location in the Empire approached questions of affiliation with the Empire or attachment to new forms of nationalism based on divergent structures that informed their lives and personal political choices. This project explores the main avenues that Jews in the Ottoman world used to approach questions that animated the public discourse not just of Jews, but of peoples across the globe who struggled to find new avenues for belonging in shifting geopolitical terrains. For Jewish communities in the Ottoman world, four dominant avenues and attitudes emerged: traditionalists who desired to maintain the status quo; those who sought an Ottoman or Turkish Republican future; Sephardi Zionists who believed they were integral to Ottoman communal history; provincial nationalists who agitated for distinct regional identities. The thesis also briefly examines the Armenian millet’s socio-political situation during the nineteenth and twentieth century in order to show the ways in which the Jewish millet was both in tandem with broader nationalist discourses but were also less cohesively politically organized than other millets in the Empire.

Cette thèse a pour objet d’analyser les trois versions (italienne, ottomane et russe) du traité de Küçük Kaynarca signé en 1774 entre l’Empire ottoman et l’Empire de Russie. Après avoir étudié, l’institution drogmanale, l’histoire de la diplomatie ottomane ainsi que la structure et les langues de ce traité, nous procédons à l’analyse terminologique et étymologique des termes choisis et les réunissons sous huit domaines thématiques (« État » - « Diplomatie », « Droit » - « Religion », « Armée » - « Économie », « Administration territoriale » - « Géographie »). Nous menons cette analyse en nous basant sur les procédés de traduction décrits dans cette thèse. Notre but est de montrer les difficultés rencontrées par les drogmans pendant le processus de traduction et de voir comment ils ont réussi à les surmonter. Ces difficultés sont intimement liées à la traduction et à l’adaptation des notions venues des pays occidentaux. En analysant les termes choisis, nous examinons les stratégies traductionnelles mises en place par les drogmans pour « faire passer » les concepts nouveaux pour la société ottomane. / The topic of this thesis is to analyze the three versions (Italian, Ottoman and Russian) of the Küçük Kaynarca Treaty signed in 1774 between the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire. After studying the institution of dragomans, the history of Ottoman diplomacy and the structure and languages of this treaty, we proceed to the terminological and etymological analysis of the chosen terms and put them into eight thematic fields: "Diplomacy", "Law" - "Religion", "Army" - "Economy", "Territorial administration" - "Geography"). We carry out this analysis on the basis of the translation processes described in this thesis. Our goal is to show the difficulties encountered by dragomans during the translation process and to see how they managed to overcome them. These difficulties are intimately linked to the translation and adaptation of notions from Western countries. In analyzing the chosen terms, we examine the translational strategies used by the dragomans to "convey" the new concepts for Ottoman society.

This study explores the “push-pull” dynamics of Shia migration from southwestern Iran (Fars, Khuzestan and the Persian Gulf coast) to Kuwait during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although nowadays Shias constitute thirty five percent of the Kuwaiti population and their historical role in building the state of Kuwait have been substantial, no individual study has delved into the causes of Shia migration from Iran to Kuwait. By analyzing the internal political, economic, and social conditions of both regions in the context of the Gulf sheikhdoms, the British and Ottoman empires, and other great powers interested in dominating the Gulf region, my thesis examines why Shia migrants, such as merchants, artisans and laborers left southwestern Iran and chose Kuwait as their final destination to settle. The two-way trade between southwest Iran and Kuwait provided a pathway for the Shia migrants and settlers into Kuwait. Moreover, by highlighting the economic roles of the Shia community in Kuwait, my thesis enhances our understanding of the foundation and contributions of the Shia community in Kuwait. Thus it fills a significant gap in Kuwaiti historiography. The research for this thesis draws from a variety of primary sources, including British government documents, the writing of western travelers, the Almatrook business archive, and oral-history interviews with descendants of Shia immigrants to Kuwait.

No description available.

This study explores the “push-pull” dynamics of Shia migration from southwestern Iran (Fars, Khuzestan and the Persian Gulf coast) to Kuwait during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although nowadays Shias constitute thirty five percent of the Kuwaiti population and their historical role in building the state of Kuwait have been substantial, no individual study has delved into the causes of Shia migration from Iran to Kuwait. By analyzing the internal political, economic, and social conditions of both regions in the context of the Gulf sheikhdoms, the British and Ottoman empires, and other great powers interested in dominating the Gulf region, my thesis examines why Shia migrants, such as merchants, artisans and laborers left southwestern Iran and chose Kuwait as their final destination to settle. The two-way trade between southwest Iran and Kuwait provided a pathway for the Shia migrants and settlers into Kuwait. Moreover, by highlighting the economic roles of the Shia community in Kuwait, my thesis enhances our understanding of the foundation and contributions of the Shia community in Kuwait. Thus it fills a significant gap in Kuwaiti historiography. The research for this thesis draws from a variety of primary sources, including British government documents, the writing of western travelers, the Almatrook business archive, and oral-history interviews with descendants of Shia immigrants to Kuwait.

This dissertation examines the origins and development of ethno-national mobilisation amongst the Kurds of the Ottoman Empire in the decades leading up to the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. It argues that, like other elements of Ottoman community, over the course of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the idea that the Kurds constituted a 'nation' gradually proliferated amongst Kurdish intellectual and political leaders. This nascent 'national consciousness' found concrete expression in the establishment of a series of newspapers, journals and organisations claiming to represent the views and interests of the Ottoman Kurdish community. However, while a growing number of Kurds began to see themselves as part of a 'Kurdish nation', the political implications of Kurdish 'nationhood' remained controversial. Indeed, from its inception the Kurdish movement contained within it a number of factions which held very different opinions on what precisely constituted the Kurds' national interests. This included some who attempted to secure the advancement and development of their people within the framework of the empire (accommodationists) and others who sought national independence (separatists). This study seeks to highlight the diversity within the Kurdish movement and, more importantly, shed light on the reasons behind it. In doing so, it will become possible to create a more nuanced historical narrative of the origins and nature of the Kurdish question, a question which remained a major political issue facing Middle Eastern leaders and statesmen today.

Dans les pays du Moyen Orient, nous sommes face à une réalité complexe, qui est encore peu comprise en Europe. Les médias nous dépeignent souvent une société majoritairement islamique fondamentaliste. Cette image, qui pourrait relever d’une représentation tardive du Moyen Orient par l’Occident est empreinte de problématiques d’ordre économique et sociétal. Une analyse précise permet de mettre au jour des singularités nationales et intranationales. Les développements artistiques profitent de ces sources multiples. Pour inclure les artistes du Moyen Orient dans l’histoire de l’art du monde, et comprendre les œuvres d’art contemporain, nous nous sommes servis de plusieurs approches. Outre l’analyse esthétique et la recherche d’influences formelles, il s’agit de comprendre les positions politiques de l'artiste, sa psychologie, son rôle dans la société, mais aussi la place de la religion dans la vie publique, la valeur attribuée à l’art contemporain et sa réception dans la société. Les marchés de l’art sont manifestement mondialisés, les critiques et commissaires d’expositions influencés par les goûts et jugements occidentaux et pour tout compliquer, nombre d’artistes qui se réclament d’un pays du Moyen Orient sont nés et vivent dans un pays occidental. Nous pouvons, en lien avec tous ces paramètres, constater des développements rapides dans le domaine de la production artistique et celui de sa diffusion dans la région. Notre recherche concerne ici à la production artistique actuelle de six pays et/ou peuples de la région: l’Egypte, la Jordanie, la Syrie, le Liban, la Palestine, Israël, et les Kurdes. / We face complexe realities in the countries of the Middle East and they are still often ignored in Europe. The media usually show us societies which are basically Muslim fundamentalist. This image is a shadow of the late colonialisation of the Middle East and is influenced by our own social and economic problems. The differences between countries, and inside the actual countries, are analysed in order to understand artistic development and to include the artists of the Middle East in the world’s Art history. To understand the contemporary works of artists, we used a variety of approaches. Besides the aesthetic analysis and the research of formal influences, we also regarded the political position of the artist, his or her psychology, his or her role in society, but also the place of religion in public life, the value given to contemporary art inside the society and the way it is perceived. The world art markets are globalised, art critics and curators are however influenced by the tastes and judgements of the West, and to complicate the whole matter, a great number of artists who claim to come from a certain place in the Middle East are actually born somewhere else and live in diaspora. We can, in using all these parameters, see the rapid developments in the production of art and its appreciation in the region. This research aims to scrutinize the actual artistic production of six peoples in the region: Egypt, Jordan, Libanon, Palestine, Israel and the Kurds.

No description available.

Abstract The rise of competing nationalisms in Cyprus first drew world attention in the 1950's, yet the origins of nationalism in Cyprus can clearly be traced to the closing stages of Ottoman rule on the island during the nineteenth century. While the earlier development of nationalism in the Greek Orthodox community of Cyprus is commonly acknowledged, the pre-World War II evolution of nationalism amongst Cyprus' Moslem Turks is consistently overlooked or misrepresented. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, this work contends that Turkish nationalism in Cyprus did not first emerge in the 1950's, but instead grew gradually from the late nineteenth century onwards; that nationalism amongst the island's Turks was first discernible in a 'civic' form founded on Ottomanism which was gradually, though progressively replaced by Turkish ethno-nationalism; and that while both British colonial policies and especially the threat perceived from the rise of Greek nationalism on the island may have helped spur nationalism amongst the Turks, the continued cultural and political interaction with Ottoman, and even non-Ottoman Turks, and later with the Turkish Republic was at least as influential in fostering nationalist sentiments and prompting their expression in political actions. While particular note is made of the often neglected impact of the Young Turk movement in the early twentieth century, this study acknowledges and seeks to elucidate a complex assortment of variegated stimuli that ranged from international developments, such as the recurring crises in the Balkans and President Wilson's speech on the 'Fourteen Points', to the personal attitudes and attributes of British administrators and domestic inter-ethnic relations, and local and international economic trends and developments. Together, it is maintained, these influences had made Turkish nationalism a perceptible phenomenon amongst the Turks of Cyprus by the time of the October Revolt of 1931.